Plus ca change

by Maria on December 14, 2009

A new enterprise requires new books, not clothes. As I’ve recently developed an acutely personal interest in all things military, I’ve begun to read about the British army. The process of converting one of my unknown unknowns into a semi-known unknown has been thoroughly enjoyable, and I’ve got a couple of books to recommend. Who will read these books? More people than I would ever have thought.

Dr. Johnson wrote “Every man thinks meanly of himself for never having been to sea nor having been a soldier.” I’m sure every man doesn’t and certainly shouldn’t think that. But I have been surprised to recently discover in most of my male relatives and friends an abiding interest in British military history. Uncles nod knowingly when regiments are name-checked and drop titbits of trivia about their history. Friends in the pub ask seemingly well-informed questions about structural re-organizations. Cousins ably describe the intricacies of rank, something I’d previously had only the vaguest idea about, most of it picked up from Persuasion and Vanity Fair. Now I’m scrambling to catch up.

A great help and an enjoyable read is Allan Mallison’s ‘The Making of the British Army, from the English Civil War to the War on Terror’, published in September and widely and positively reviewed. It is a survey history of the army itself, beginning with the Civil War and explaining how post-Restoration parliament finally overcame its fear of a standing army. Mallinson stresses successive governments’ ambivalence about the army and tendency to cash in the peace dividend the moment war finishes. Most governments probably wish for an effective army, but not a very powerful one. In the UK, Mallinson argues, the army has for hundreds of years been cut back to the bone between wars, or been inexcusably allowed to stagnate (pre-Crimea, pre-WWI) to the point where it is far less effective than it should be, with sometimes bitter consequences.

Mallinson is an experienced novelist who organizes the chapters around concise accounts of the most important battles, but he is especially strong on how the institution developed in between wars as well as during them. There’s lots of British exceptionalism that might have undermined a lesser book. However, Mallinson’s descriptions of the accidental creation of the regimental system, the vagaries of authority and funding and how the purchasing of offices came and went make a compelling case for how the unique character of the army has shaped and been shaped by its history.

I’ve only gotten as far as Marlborough and Blenheim, and am a bit daunted by having to get through the American and Napoleonic wars before my favourite period; Crimea and the Indian Mutiny. The book is a broad overview, so not ideal for someone already steeped in British military history. But it is well-written, fair-minded and also has many beautiful colour plates and would be a lovely Christmas present for the right person.

A very different window into life in the British army today is opened by Patrick Hennessy; ‘The Junior Officer’s Reading Club; Killing Time and Fighting Wars’, also published this year. It is a biographical account of a young officer’s training, deployments to Iraq and Afghanistan, and what came immediately after. I’ve just begun it and am hooked, but don’t take my word for it. The Times describes Hennessy’s first as a “harrowing and frequently funny book that sparkles with wit, wisdom and boyish glee”. I’m told the description of Hennessy’s year at Sandhurst is spot on, especially when he learns by hilarious experience that:

“LEADERSHIP, CHARACTER and INTELLECT are best developed by MARCHING, IRONING and SHOUTING.”

In a sentiment expressed in several reviews of each of these books, the Times says “one has to wonder at the wisdom of a government that has sent young men to shed blood on foreign fields while simultaneously, through cuts in personnel and equipment, crippling their ability to prevail.”

Finally, an old reliable. I’ve learnt much about army life from Lytton Strachey’s timeless ‘Eminent Victorians’, in the chapters on Florence Nightingale and General Gordon. Nightingale emerges as less a saint than a logistical genius and soft-voiced harridan who went head to head with the War Office over the 42% mortality rate of admitted patients in Scutari and its insistence that soldiers wouldn’t know what to do with a toothbrush, and won. General Gordon, wasn’t a proper general at all (the title was given to him by grateful Chinese merchants) but rather a blustery old fool manouevred by a rump element in Gladstone’s cabinet into fighting on false pretenses a war he had no business being in, and coming to a horrible end.

{ 55 comments }

1

Chris A. Williams 12.14.09 at 7:02 pm

Well, my initial reaction is not to be fooled by people who’ve been back-dating the contemporary Tory critique of the Army 500 years. This is isn’t all wrong, but it’s not all right, either. To take one example: the BEF of 1914 was not badly equipped or trained: quite the reverse.

Peden’s book on grand strategy probably belongs on your readling list.

2

gyges 12.14.09 at 7:18 pm

I’d recommend Low intensity operations: subversion, insurgency, peacekeeping by Sir Frank Kitson.

I wrote about an aspect of it here which may or may not be of interest.

3

Flippanter 12.14.09 at 7:54 pm

John Keegan’s books, chiefly The Face of Battle and The Mask of Command, are very good, and deal with British military forces from time to time.

[Insert acknowledgment of whatever blog-grudges apply to Keegan of which I am shamefacedly ignorant.]

4

lemuel pitkin 12.14.09 at 9:00 pm

inexcusably allowed to stagnate (pre-Crimea, pre-WWI) to the point where it is far less effective than it should be

This implies some assumptions about the value of an effective military that perhaps shouldn’t be taken for granted.

I reckon in the modern world, in the large majority of cases where a country’s political leadership has been constrained by a lack of military capacity, the bulk of the popualtion have been better off as a result. No?

(Which is not to say anything against a personal interest in things military.)

5

Richard J 12.14.09 at 9:06 pm

I reckon in the modern world, in the large majority of cases where a country’s political leadership has been constrained by a lack of military capacity, the bulk of the popualtion have been better off as a result. No?

Depends when you draw the modern cut-off line – Poland, for example, didn’t exactly fare too well when sandwiched between Prussia and Russia…

6

roac 12.14.09 at 9:59 pm

If you finish with the army and want to go on to the navy, N.A.M. Rodger would be your go-to guy.

7

Mr Kitty 12.14.09 at 10:00 pm

Slightly OT – as it has no bearing on the British Army – but Paul Virilio’s War and Cinema: The Logistics of Perception is the most elusively inspiring work I have read on military hardware, philosophy and media.

8

EWI 12.14.09 at 10:35 pm

I’d have to recommend:

Beevor’s A History of the British Army – deals superbly with the passing of the old British ‘regimental’ system in the ’90s, and gives an intimate and sympathetic view of life at all ranks in that era. And;

Lewis Page’s Lions, Donkeys and Dinosaurs – a much less reverent view than Beevor’s, focussing primarily on the war profiteering of BAe, and highlighting the scandalous amounts of UK taxpayers’ money flowing into that multinational’s coffers . Good book, albeit from one of the Tweedle-Dum Tweedle-Dee climate cranks at The Register (Page should really have stuck to writing what he knows best).

9

EWI 12.14.09 at 10:37 pm

(Whoops – that should be Inside the British Army by Beevor)

10

lemuel pitkin 12.14.09 at 10:41 pm

Depends when you draw the modern cut-off line – Poland, for example, didn’t exactly fare too well when sandwiched between Prussia and Russia

Yes, I’m not sure about that — when did warfare become so clearly negative-sum as it is now? On the other hand, I wouldn’t take it as given that the majority of Russians or Prussians were better off thanks to their military superiority over Poland.

11

Patrick Fleury 12.15.09 at 1:48 am

..and when you want to have some real fun, try Flashman by George MacDonald Fraser. It and its sequels give a great picture of the British army in the Victorian world.

12

roac 12.15.09 at 3:19 am

I just did a delayed take over the following:

Cousins ably describe the intricacies of rank, something I’d previously had only the vaguest idea about, most of it picked up from Persuasion and Vanity Fair.

But Persuasion is about the Navy. I don’t want to seem condescending, but you do know these are two distinct organizations, right? To be distinguished, to a first approximation, as follows: Navy – wears blue or white, rides in boats; Army – wears earth tones, crawls around in the mud. They do both have captains and lieutenants, which is confusing, but if you run into an admiral (Navy) or a general (Army), you pretty much know where you are.

(With Austen, you also get the Navy in Mansfield Park. The Army comes into Pride and Prejudice, where its principal occupation is seducing bubbleheaded teenagers. Austen of course was prejudiced in favor of the Navy, two of her brothers being admirals and all.)

13

bad Jim 12.15.09 at 4:07 am

George MacDonald Fraser’s Flashman novels are an entertaining introduction to the military side of the Victorian era. Fraser served in a Highland regiment in WWII, and his stories about that experience are worth a read as well.

One concerned a Christmas during which he was the only officer in residence at the regiment’s base at home (due, I think, to his junior status). The officers’ quarters and provisioning were rather Spartan, so the senior sergeants generously invited him to join their feast. They had the good cooks as well as a collection of single-malt scotches and regimental banners and battle trophies from centuries past, which is about what one might expect from the people who actually made the army work.

14

Maria 12.15.09 at 4:39 am

Yes, yes, the Navy. Which reminds me that Captain seems such a more dashing rank than Major. Not that I’m complaining, of course.

15

minnesotaj 12.15.09 at 5:42 am

Well, if you want Jane Austen + Navy you could just go to Patrick O’Brian (whose Post Captain, IIRC, barely sees so much as a wave). Hennessey’s book sounds like something to read (it’s been ordered) but as to his pull-quote: uh… for all that I hated about the Marine Corps, all the ironing and shouting and marching (and zero-dark-thirty footlocker emptying and…) did serve a purpose: “No amount of learning or individual talent or class or anything but your wits and the person next to you are going to get you through the following moments: act accordingly.” Easy to mock. Hard to learn. Invaluable to experience.

16

Ben 12.15.09 at 6:48 am

@roac
“I don’t want to seem condescending, but..”
Wow, imagine the tone when the condescension is intentional.

@Maria
Thanks, very interesting post.

17

ajay 12.15.09 at 11:23 am

Seconding “Lions, Donkeys and Dinosaurs” – though the bits dealing with BAE and procurement in general should be read sparingly to avoid apoplexy, and he has a few views on the future of warfare (no artillery, no destroyers) that you may not agree with, he writes with both knowledge and affection about the armed forces themselves.

18

Richard J 12.15.09 at 11:56 am

On the other hand, I wouldn’t take it as given that the majority of Russians or Prussians were better off thanks to their military superiority over Poland.

Oh, definitely – the position of an average Russian or Prussian was definitely made worse by the presence of a standing army, but the respective states to which they belonged (literally in the former case) managed to make the position of an average Pole considerably worse…

Something about Lewis Page winds me up a bit; a slight allergy to polemic, I think.

19

bm 12.15.09 at 12:03 pm

Yea! CT finally does some good manly stuff! For an outstanding army book try “Washington’s Crossing” by David Hackett Fischer. It’s nice to think the British gained their empire mainly through gentlemany bumbling but, really, there was always an extemely tough core of professional fighters for colonial and continental warfare. The book covers just the six months of intense fighting culminating in Washington’s counterattack across the Delaware just after christmas 1776 but Hackett Fischer – a leader of the American Annales school (see e.g. “Albion’s Seed: Four British Folkways in America”) – is also illuminating about the sociology, culture and military characteristics of the armies on both sides – British regulars, hessians and rebels. At least in the 18th century of almost continuous warfare, the Brits seem to have been on the top of their game. Hackett Fischer describes the amazing logistical feat by which the British state moved over 40,000 troops across the Atlantic in just a couple of months, the largest projection of inter-continental seaborne power by any state to that time, plonked them down in an amphibious landing on Long Island – The D-Day of its time – and then started whacking the hell out of the Americans. As remarkable was the quality of this British army – an entirely professional force where even privates had an average nine years service and generals thirty. Until I read this book I had little idea about the sheer intensity and scale of violence in the Revolutionary War, tho’ perhaps not so surprising once you learn about the toughness of the British foe. What’s more a source of wonder is where the Americans found the bottle to take on and persist with such a fight.

20

chris y 12.15.09 at 12:07 pm

They do both have captains and lieutenants

But they don’t mean anything like the same thing.

21

Doug 12.15.09 at 1:17 pm

“Depends when you draw the modern cut-off line – Poland, for example, didn’t exactly fare too well when sandwiched between Prussia and Russia…”

I dunno, Poles sacked Moscow, and the Hohenzollerns were vassals of the elected Polish kings. Times eventually changed, of course.

(Also, did you know that the share of the in Poland population that could vote for king was greater than the share of the UK population that could vote for Parliament?)

22

ajay 12.15.09 at 1:35 pm

Until I read this book I had little idea about the sheer intensity and scale of violence in the Revolutionary War, tho’ perhaps not so surprising once you learn about the toughness of the British foe. What’s more a source of wonder is where the Americans found the bottle to take on and persist with such a fight.

Well, technically, they were British too at that point… :)

23

roac 12.15.09 at 1:58 pm

But they don’t mean anything like the same thing.

Well, I know that. My post was strictly a list of the most obvious identification marks for the novice, who might not otherwise know whether to start chipping paint off the nearest metal surface (navy) or fall to the ground and do pushups (army).

24

Glen Tomkins 12.15.09 at 2:48 pm

Standing armies

The aversion to standing armies is hardly a phobia.

No, the main problem is not a direct takeover of the government by your standing army. As long as the army isn’t the most, or only, competent organization in the country (i.e., if you’re not Pakistan or some Central American banana republic), it would seem at least as likely to defend the civilian govt against armed takeover as to perpetrate such takeover.

The problem is that a standing army takes over the rationale of govt, and becomes a purpose of govt, not one of its instruments. “Overcoming a fear of standing armies” is just a nice way to intellectually launder “overcoming a reluctance to become a predator nation and start an empire”.

Even if you have no moral objection to imperialism, it has two inherent practical flaws that should buttress common decency with common sense, and thus lead to rejecting it, and its standing armies.

Once you have a sizeable military force always at hand, using it to solve problems will always dominate other strategies for dealing with the real world, because these other strategies are complex, messy, and involve the certainty of giving up something, while the military option always promises “victory”, whole and unsullied by compromise. His Majesty’s Govt might have responded politically to agitation over taxation from the colonies, and, while one can never be sure about the interpolated outcomes of alternate history, it certainly seems reasonable to conjecture that GB could have had its taxes, and kept the whole continent indefinitely, just by giving 13 colonies a couple of MPs each, and creating a half dozen American peers. But a political solution would have involved creating more Whigs in Parliament, and increasing the pressure for electoral reform at home, and who knows what other complications (most of which actually look more like features than bugs anyway). The govt probably would have muddled through with some such messy, but quite rational, solution, except that it had a miracle cure at hand for all political dilemmas — “Send in the army!”. The victims of this stupidity, the folks who made the new US, took from this experience the lesson that standing armies aren’t even a smart way to do empire, because having one led even a political system for which they otherwise had the deepest respect, that of GB, into abject, howling folly.

The other problem with standing armies is that the stagnation you refer to is their inevitable concommittant. Armies always prepare for the last war, because that’s their only reasonable best approximation for the next war. War is far too complex that anyone could derive a useful approximation of what the next one will be like just from a “bottom up” analysis of the current state of technology. Even if you get one element right of what the army needs to best fight the next war, say you’re the Red Army before WWII and your pre-war doctrine will be proven by that war to be the best available, you’re going to expereince the same disastrous failure as the Red Army early in the war if you don’t have the organization to implement and equipment right for the doctrine as well. In that case, the Red Army actually had the best equipment as well, but it was sunk by its implementation. It was sunk by being a large standing force, too institutionally unwieldy for the organization to assimilate the right ways to implement what it needed to do for the next war, until after they had been forced to muddle through the first two years of that war doing things the wrong way, and thereby learning the right way from on-the-job experience. The Wehrmacht, in stark contrast, had the gift of Versailles, which forbid Germany from having a standing army. They were able to get the organization right because they had to build a new organization to meet the needs demonstrated by the last war, specifically the need to not get bogged down in positional warfare. This new organization, capable of implementing a doctrine that, while not as good as the Russians’, and with deeply flawed equipment (Guderian was so smart, he just knew that his tanks would not have to fight enemy tanks! So he designed them so that they couldn’t, so as not to tempt commanders to use them against enemy tanks.), was apt enough that sound implementation, often forced to improvise, almost won them a war they had no business even coming close to winning, given the materiale and manpower odds. The US did almost as well (though not as spectacularly, since it never had to fight long odds, and a more cautious approach was called for than what the Wehrmacht had to do to stand any chance of winning the unwinnable wars that Hitler got it into) because it also had to build from essentially zero organization after it reintroduced the draft in 1940. By the time the first US ground troops got into combat in North Africa, its Major Generals were almost entirely people who had been Colonels, and even Lieutenant-Colonels, in 1939. This was the key factor that let us start the war with a non-stagnant army, and it would not have been possible had we been burdened with a standing army, with whole echelons of peacetime division, corps, army and army group commands that would have required keeping on hundreds of old-school generals.

The best way to have non-stagnant forces ready for the next war is to mainain in peacetime the absolute minimum force structure needed to ward off any attack on your borders or commerce that potential adversaries can mount with what they already have on hand. (For the US, this means a battalion or two of land forces, and maybe fifty ships, allowing for a very aggressive idea of what protecting our commerce might entail. I can’t see GB requiring any more than that either.) There will be time to build more forces if the need arises, forces tailored to the other side’s preparations, and taking advantage, unburdened by institutional inertia and old generals, of any relevant new technology. If you wait until the need arises, you are much more likely to get what you need for that war, and not be burdened with a standing force that is so prepared to refight the last war, only better this time, that it can’t fight this war effectively.

25

roac 12.15.09 at 2:52 pm

Seriously addressing Lemuel P’s point: surely, by any calculation warfare has always and everywhere been a negative-sum game. But I have two 20th-c. instances where the consensus would probably be that armed opposition, or the threat of it, by a weaker nation against a stronger has produced a better outcome than acquiescence to invasion would have: the Finnish Winter War against the Russians in 1939-40, and Switzerland’s bristling neutrality throughout the war, without which the country would surely have been annexed to the Reich.

26

Mitchell Rowe 12.15.09 at 3:08 pm

21:
Do you really believe that two battalions could protect the entire coast line of the United States?

27

Glen Tomkins 12.15.09 at 3:29 pm

23:

Well, no, if there were anyone out there capable, right now, of landing more than a platoon on American shores, or maintaining even a squad, even if we had no Navy at all, then two battalions wouldn’t do. But there isn’t anyone capable of landing and sustaining land forces of any size on our shores from over either of the two oceans that protect us. Yes, other nations could develope that capability to project their forces, but that developement would be much more time-consuming, obvious, and cumbersome than our response would need to be to counter it fully and in a completely timely manner.

All of that without even mentioning the US Navy, or sattelite surveillance sufficient to track an invasion fleet, and have a squadron or two of fighter-jets on hand in plenty of time to sink it as it wends it slow way to our shores over thousands of miles of ocean. Frankly, a couple of Boy Scout troops would, today, right now, more than suffice to defend our shores from any sort of Normandy scenario, because no one has the capability to do a Normandy even over undefended shores right now, except maybe the US. Even we could only do a small Normandy, until and unless we took considerable time to build up the capacity for a big one.

The two battalion figure is based on what you need to maintain a test bed and reasonable institutional continuity (The preactical standard we followed between all of our wars until WWII ended), and what standing force we would need to hold off Mexico and Canada, should those two powers conspire against us, long enough to call out the National Guard and then train new forces. Should these two countries go rogue on us, and start buidling divisions and corps on our borders, by all means then we would mobilize to meet that dread combination.

28

smarter than YOU are 12.15.09 at 3:48 pm

Glen Tomkins …

The Germans and Japanese were certainly better prepared for WWII than anyone else.
But I can’t seem to find anywhere on the internets how all that preparation worked out
for them. :-} In the end did German/Japanese boots host victory parades in London,
Moscow or Washington? Of course they held one in Paris … but that’s because “the
Fwench” are all cheese-eating-surrender-monkeys!

Maybe preparing for the last war is a wiser OVERALL strategy.

Winning the first battles – or even ALL the battles – of a war doesn’t necessarily equate to
“Victory”. The US pretty much controlled the battle field during Vietnam. But, at the end
of the day, when Congress refused to support the South Vietnamese regime, the war
was lost.

Go figure.

29

ajay 12.15.09 at 4:26 pm

In the end did German/Japanese boots host victory parades in London,
Moscow or Washington? Of course they held one in Paris …

I’m not sure they did, actually (whether it was hosted in their boots or elsewhere). I think they planned to, but called it off for fear of the RAF.

30

Barry 12.15.09 at 4:27 pm

Richard J 12.14.09 at 9:06 pm

“Depends when you draw the modern cut-off line – Poland, for example, didn’t exactly fare too well when sandwiched between Prussia and Russia…”

However, Poland was not really constrained by a lack of military capability, in any achievable sense. Poland was not capable at all of withstanding modern Germany and the USSR.

31

roac 12.15.09 at 5:06 pm

In (partial) response to 21: There is no way of knowing how the Red Army might have done in the opening weeks of Barbarossa if Stalin hadn’t (1) had most of its senior leadership shot a few years before, and (2) refused to believe multiple warnings that Hitler was about to come after him.

In response to 27: Richard J. said “Prussia,” so it is not clear to me that he was talking about September 1939. As to which, the Poles couldn’t have won, but they could have held out longer and inflicted more damages if they had constructed a defense in depth instead of lining up their troops at the frontier. Which might (might) have tempered Hitler aggressiveness in May 1940.

32

Gene O'Grady 12.15.09 at 5:10 pm

The Germans and the Japanese were not necessarily better prepared for WWII than anyone else. Given that the Wehrmacht was still largely dependent on horse drawn support in the Battle of the Bulge in December 1944 the America productive capacity in trucks covers a multitude of sins.

And the Japanese pilot training system, while very good for producing a few excellent pilots who got to practice in China for ten years, was completely inadequate for a protracted conflict against real powers.

Only two examples off the top of my head, but things like that count. A lot.

And I never had any problems with the complexities of rank — my mother, who was a full lieutenant in the Navy (some sort of intelligence liaison with the RN — a month before she died two years ago she was telling my daughter “but I can’t talk about that”) drummed it into my head from an early age that a Navy lieutenant was the same as a captain in the army — and a Navy captain (ambiguous title) was close to God.

33

Richard J 12.15.09 at 5:15 pm

roac & Barry – I was thinking of the 18th century Poland, which was considerably larger than either Prussia or Russia of the time – hence my caveats re: cut-off dates…

34

roac 12.15.09 at 5:18 pm

Thought so.

35

Glen Tomkins 12.15.09 at 5:30 pm

25:

Civilian control of the military

Unfortunately, it held just where we didn’t want it to, in the Axis. Majority opinion in the Wehrmacht and the Japanese Navy was pretty accurate, in that they believed that they could win early victories, but could not prevail against the weight of men and materiale that the US and the SU could bring to bear if the war lasted beyond a year or two. Guderian didn’t think that he needed tanks that could fight the tanks the Allies had already at the war’s outset, because their doctrine and organization (most importantly, a lack of battlefield maintenance) made Allied tanks avoidable, at least until they figured out the new mobile warfare well enough to get their tanks in the Wehrmacht’s face. Of course they would be able to figure that out, and get a solution implemented, if the war went on past the initial German successes, which is why the Wehrmacht needed to win the war by Christmas, and didn’t need to worry about things the Allies would figure out and implement any time after Christmas. The politics of the thing let their side down on the expectation of early battlefield success meaning that they would win by Christmas, so they lost.

It’s no strike on their military preparedness that their politicoes asked their military to do the impossible (and immoral, of course). Hitler and Tojo were both warned that, for the military side of the thing to work, the war would have to be won quickly or not at all, and falsely imagined that this was politically/diplomatically possible. You could fault their military for not getting rid of their politicoes over this false confidence, as some of them tried unsuccessfully to do, without extreme prejudice, before the war, and with extreme prejudice (von Stauffenberg), later on.

But I think that the judgment stands that, in purely military terms, the Wehrmacht and the Imperial Navy far exceeded expectations. If they didn’t end up holding victory parades in London or Moscow, it was because that just wasn’t possible, given the forces arrayed against them. They made a much better run at it than anyone could have expected, but it was never anything like an even fight.

This is obviously not a bad thing. The project of world conquest should never be easy, and enjoy any probability of long-term success. But those of us who would like to see that world conquest should never be easy don’t have to meet the very high standard of insuring that such a project never has even early sucesses. That standard is as unobtainable as the surety of world conquest, because we will never be able to anticipate what clever adaptation against our forces, however large and capable we maintain them between wars, might enable a power bent on conquest to gain such early successes. But the standard of remaining able to prevail, with surety, in the long run, is much easier. In fact, by maintaining the absolute minimum force structure until the need presents itself, we keep potential adversaries from knowing what their forces need to do to gain the early successes against us, because we have no permanent structure to study for its weaknesses.

36

Joseph M. 12.15.09 at 5:55 pm

In the spirit of un-asked-for book recommendations, I’d like to add Learning to Eat Soup with a Knife, a study of the counter-insurgency techniques used by the British in Malaya and the U.S. in Vietnam. It reads like a thesis (which makes sense, since it’s based on one), but is the information and lessons are still interesting.

37

Glen Tomkins 12.15.09 at 6:07 pm

28:

Well, the US Army canned its senior leadership between 1939 and 1942, with as much thoroughness if clearly less ferocity (retirement pay isn’t as nice as a major command, but it’s a lot nicer than the Gulag)and seems to have done quite well because of it, not in spite of it. And what the few competent generals the SU did have in 1941 found that they had to do to have any chance of stopping the Wehrmacht in their sector, was to do Stalin’s purges one better and get rid of more of the senior leadership. Zhukov, for instance, was sent from crisis point to crisis point as a sort of one-man fire brigade, and was sure to bring with him only his personal firing squad, because you never could be sure that the local units would actually obey orders to shoot the ex-leadership.

Yes, people make that excuse about the Red Army’s performance in 1941, but it’s just an excuse, like the idea, advanced by German generals who survived the war, that Hitler’s “no retreat” orders are why the Wehrmacht did poorly later on. Success has a thousand fathers, but failure is an orphan that people look to disown as much as possible, on grounds however shaky.

Nor is there much reason to think that Stalin’s wishful thinking about Hitler’s intentions, however wrong and foolish he may have been on that score, resulted in fatally flawed military dispositions, that the Red Army would have done much better if directed to expect a German attack in 1941. They still outnumbered the attacking forces after any initial shock, and had substantial qualitative advantages in crucial equipment, such as tanks. They could have spotted the Germans a much bigger surprise effect, and still won handily, had they been able to implement with their numerical and equipment advantages. But they weren’t able to implement effectively, and only learned how to put a whole system together by years of OJT, by being repeatedly schooled by the Wehrmacht. That, and the stupidity attrition that generals like Zhukov made sure did not miss the senior leadership, where stupidity attrition actually accomplishes something arguably useful.

38

Doug K 12.15.09 at 6:51 pm

“LEADERSHIP, CHARACTER and INTELLECT are best developed by MARCHING, IRONING and SHOUTING.”
I’m not surprised to hear they still run on the time-honoured standards. My army experience was in the 80s, South Africa rather than British, but from all my reading armies have been much the same since the Romans. They taught me how to iron, sew, make a bed, polish a floor and boots, fold socks; yep, the Army sure made a man out of me. I knew how to do all those things before of course, but not Army Style. It turned out that different corps had different bed-making standards, which was a source of not a few pushups. During officer training, at one point we had to stand at each end of a quarter-mile parade ground, bellowing commands at each other. In a supposedly bilingual environment, I always drilled my squads using English commands, most of which were unknown to the squad. Luckily it worked as for dogs, the tone of command and context were usually enough for surprisingly accurate manoeuvrings.

39

Glen Tomkins 12.15.09 at 8:40 pm

4:

The problem with the quite sensible observation that having a lot of effective military capability on hand doesn’t, empirically, seem to have proven any great fount of good and benefit even to the nations that possess it, much less to mankind in general, is that people deflect the moral of the story away from themselves, or from their favored cases of the supposed utility of military force. People have trouble seeing power as anything but an instrumentality, and as a mere instrumentality, attributing any and all ill consequences of its use to improper, foolish or evil, use, and not to the instrument.

Surely, the argument goes, there can’t be anything wrong with the right people having power, the people who would use that power wisely and for moral ends. And surely you can’t suggest that we are not the right people, that we would not have the wisdom and virtue to use power only for good. Substitute for that “we” any group you choose, whether “the Western Democracies”, or just our country (by which, of course, I mean my country!), or just one party in our country, or even, to get right down to it, just that lonely Island of Common Sense and Decency in a Sinful World, the Gentle Readers of this humble blog, or perhaps your mother (well, my mother anyway), or, to really get right down to it, just yourself (myself!) — you are bound to reach at length somebody or bodies whom you can’t fail to trust with power without disowning yourself or some group vital to your identity.

Bring up any example you choose to illustrate of how badly possessing, or striving for, military power, actually worked out in a particular instance, and the answer is going to be that those people, that lot, couldn’t be trusted to do it right, to use the power wisely and/or to good ends, or they didn’t try hard enough for power, and that was their problem, that’s why they lost. But “we”, it goes without saying, as long as we maintain the will and determination, and do what it takes to gain or keep power, will of course use the power wisely and well, and all manner of good things will flow from that, all manner of evil will be prevented. It wouldn’t be power, which we are sure is merely a means and quite distinct from ends, unless it did not carry entailments, but left the bearer free to use it according to the bearer’s pristine nature, a nature not pock-marked by bearing and using power.

The only way around this perspective problem is to come to believe that power is not without its entailments, that it is no coincidence or particular failure that possessing or striving for military power always ends badly, and that “we” will end up face down in the same ditch as all the historical examples unless “we” cut it out and go back to being the sort of normal nation we used to be, but that we now label as hopelessly “pacifist” or “isolationist”.

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alex 12.16.09 at 10:59 am

…”normal nation we used to be”? There’s no such thing as a ‘normal nation’ without military force and the will to project it, at least not if by ‘nation’ you mean ‘nation-state’. Even the peculiar exceptions in the short term, like Sweden and Switzerland, turn out in the longer term to have either an expansionist imperial past or a tendency to export violence in the form of organised mercenary service. Tell Mexicans about the isolationist pacifism of the USA – heck, tell a Native American!

Your argument is not for ‘normal nationhood’, but for anarchism, because it is only without the state itself that you could hope to contain the drive to organised violence that human societies have forever demonstrated. But to get to that state of anarchism, you would first have to have in the minds of the mass of people an unwavering commitment to such an end – else every other political strand, each of which accepts or embraces state violence, would overwhelm [or just ignore] your efforts. When you have that, call me, because I’d love to join.

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ajay 12.16.09 at 1:48 pm

it is no coincidence or particular failure that possessing or striving for military power always ends badly

Mind you, not possessing or striving for military power always ends badly too. Look what happened to the Australian aborigines. And since, as alex points out, every nation-state on earth has striven for military power, your statement boils down to “bad stuff happens”.

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Glen Tomkins 12.16.09 at 5:28 pm

40:, 41:

By “normal”, I didn’t mean anything normative or ethically fancy, but simply what has been typical behavior for our admittedly wicked country throughout its history.

Sure, “property is theft”, and any country at all has to have, at least in its past, the crime of theft, because you can be sure that the land it occupies used to belong to someone else, which someone was dispossessed with extreme prejudice. But, you know, just because the habits and expectations passed down in my family that made me become a doctor are inextricably intertwined with our past history of owning slaves in order to fund our dabbling in medicine (which did not pay its own way in those days), that does not give me the right to own slaves today, out of some idea that my profession is a noble one that does great good for the many patients I have helped, so I have some right, duty even, to exploit slaves so that I can have the leisure to do all that good. Maybe I could make that argument, outrageous as I actually think it to be, if there were still no other way to support the profession of of medicine other than the exploitation of slaves to do the menial work of living. But we have perfected other social arrangements to support my profession, and so there is not even a question about my needing to add fresh crimes to our long history of such criminality, in order to support the continuation of my family’s less ethically unfortunate little habit of medicine. And so, just because there is a history of crime, and ungoverned expansion and exploitation of other nations, in the history of every nation, that does not at all, even a little bit, justify continuation of ruthless ethnic cleansing now that such is not necessary. Such behavior, when not absolutely called for to eke out survival in the face of similar from some other nation, is, yes, clearly abnormal, and pathological.

Yes, we have a history of stealing this land from the folks who used to live here, and mainly by way of murdering them. And yes, even after and aside from that behavior, we have long had the habit of the occasional crusade. We get all hepped up for a while with the idea that an expeditionary force we send off somewhere in the world will accomplish some good by blowing things up. Or we convince ourselves that if we don’t act, the Kaiser will kill us all in our beds, after raping our women. Sometimes the reality actually does justify some level of crusading activity, as when we went off to end the slave system that my family used to live off of. But usually not. (Anybody out there still think the Spanish-American War was anything but a bloody stupid criminal mess?). And always, well, always before the end of WWII, we would wake up from the madness of the moment, regret at least a folly of going too far in the service of perhaps somewhat justified violence, and cut our military establishment back to the normal corporal’s guard it needs to be to actually defend our country, as opposed to the much larger forces needed for going off blowing things up in foreign countries up in order to improve them.

You don’t keep more than you need for actual defense, in between foreign wars, in normal times, unless you have decided to institutionalize the insanity that once only gripped you in fits. That’s what we’ve done since WWII, and it’s not normal, not for our history, and not for the vast majority of nations for the majority of their histories. It’s not normal to embrace criminal violence beyond the strict limitations of what you have to do to survive. It’s not normal to pretend that this insane, pathologically abnormal way of life comports with either common sense or common decency.

We spend more on “defense” than the rest of the world combined, and we have two oceans to hide behind. That we spend so much, and yet still feel the need to call it “defense”, says it all. If we actually needed all that military might for defense, then maybe we would be in normal ethical territory when we discuss the use of that force. We could talk about whether our need to survive genocide at the hands of some enemy justifies our doing unto them first. But threatened survival is not our situation, not even close, so talking as if we were in some mortal peril from the made-up enemy of the day, and therefore need to incinerate a certain number of “enemy” children in the course of doing a bit of COIN, isn’t normal even for this sinful world we live in. It’s psychotic.

Most countries in history, our country for most of its history, have been constrained to at least some rationality in their military thinking. Military establishments are ruinously expensive to maintain, and we have not had the luxury of being able to afford ruinous expenditure, certainly not for non-productive, counter-productive ends, for most of our history. And the human cost of actually using these establishments for anything beyond the parade ground has, for most nations at most times, kept them back from too easy and ready use. Countries that border other powers have some difficulty staying completely reasonable, because defensive and offensive capability, for countries that share a border, are impossible to disentangle, and so there actually is a potential existential threat even just in their neighbor’s defensive capability. So history is indeed full of the sad consequences of frequent miscalculations in that respect, of stupid wars stupidly conducted. But what we have in the US right now is a whole new level of stupid and pointless warmaking. No nation in history, not even the US in its earlier history, has been able to afford this level of sustained stupid. We don’t even have threats on our borders to inspire any level of rational fear of conquest. We’ve let paranoia take on a life of its own. We invent threats to fight, then listen breathlessly to official reports that, for what, the twentieth time, our forces have succeeded in killing al Qaeda’s number three man. As if there is anything to al Qaeda except an idea. As if al Qaeda has some sort of table of organization, with a little box marked “number three man”.

The people who buy this crap aren’t normal. Killing to survive may not be pretty, but yes, it is normal. Killing for no better reason than to perpetuate a system that allows us to sleep-walk through history is not normal. It’s pathological. It’s like a malignancy, in that it has no limits within itself, and can only be controlled by destroying either the mad idea or the people possessed by the idea. I vote for the former of the two alternatives, but that position could become an increasingly small minority in this world unless we stop behaving insanely in that world and learn some self-control.

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lemuel pitkin 12.16.09 at 6:32 pm

I’d just like to associate myself with Glen Tomkins’ very eloquent comments.

From a practical point of view, you could say there is an optimum level of military capacity for the interests’ of a state’s inhabitants. too little, and you risk being invaded and occupied; too much, and you risk trying to invade and occupy someone else, which, gratifying as it may be to the professional soldiers and their masters, is almost always a disaster for ordinary folks on the winning side too.

Grant Alex@41 that the Australian aborigines were on the left side of that point; almost every modern country has spent the 20th century on the right side of it. Any with substantial militaries are almost certainly way to the right, except the handful of cases of small countries with much larger and exceptionally belligerent neighbors (someone mentioned Switzerland and Finland in the 1930s-40s). I’m not convinced there is a country on earth today with a functioning state (certainly no rich country) whose residents’ physical security is more threatened by a lack of military capacity, than by an excess of it.

What fraction of military spending by the US is needed to prevent an invasion of the US? It must be less than 1%, probably much less.

As a point of comparison, the size of the US Army was cut by 98% following the Civil War — from over 1 million men in 1865 to about 20,000 by the end of the 1870s. And the US certainly faced more formidable military threats in the late 19th century than it does today.

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ajay 12.16.09 at 6:49 pm

I’m not convinced there is a country on earth today with a functioning state (certainly no rich country) whose residents’ physical security is more threatened by a lack of military capacity, than by an excess of it.

Well, duh. Because if there were a rich country whose security was so threatened, they’d, you know, buy more military capacity.

any country at all has to have, at least in its past, the crime of theft, because you can be sure that the land it occupies used to belong to someone else, which someone was dispossessed with extreme prejudice.

“The US” != “every country in the world”.

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lemuel pitkin 12.16.09 at 6:57 pm

Well, duh. Because if there were a rich country whose security was so threatened, they’d, you know, buy more military capacity.

Oh right, it’s duh-level obvious that every state has exactly the optimal size military. I’d forgotten that.

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roac 12.16.09 at 7:22 pm

I subscribe wholeheartedly to the propositions that (1) the US military is too big, and (2) the US has, throughout its history, gotten itself into far too many unjust and/or unnecessary wars in the past 50 years. However, I don’t think that as a practical matter, fixing (1) is a very promising way of fixing (2). I’d rather tackle (2) directly.

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roac 12.16.09 at 7:24 pm

“In the past 50 years” was in the first draft; I meant to delete it after reflecting and adding “throughout its history.”

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Ralph Hitchens 12.16.09 at 10:11 pm

Read a lot of military history, I do, and the rap on the British Army is that they produced tough, skilled enlisted men but the officer corps suffered over the centuries, thanks to the vicissitudes of the class system. Too many dilettantes, and too much professional military education for officers was self-education on the part of the competent few. In the American Revolution, for example (yes, David Hackett Fischer’s _Washington’s Crossing_ is a modern classic) there were some true professionals like Clinton and Cornwallis, but they were outnumbered by incompents like Burgoyne and, most disastrously, Howe. Sir William was far less a soldier than his brother was a sailor — Howe was popular with both the troops in America and the ruling class back home, but notable for both tactical incompetence (Breed’s Hill) and operational/strategic bungling (the followup to Long Island plus the New Jersey & Philadelphia campaigns). Whoever mentioned the Flashman novels is on target — a great thing about those books is that they often highlight not only the famous Victorian-era buffoons but also the lesser-known professionals who really did built the Empire. Good luck with your reading!

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lemuel pitkin 12.16.09 at 11:09 pm

the lesser-known professionals who really did built the Empire

Not to be a killjoy, but for me — and for most folks here, I hope — a good professional Empire-builder falls in roughly the same moral category as a good professional slave overseer.

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alex 12.17.09 at 8:50 am

@49 – and thus very important to the standard of living we enjoy today… [/irony]

It is always worth thinking on the subject of ‘what would have happened in India [e.g.] without the British?’ When one actually does that reflection, in the knowledge of what other rulers in the region from the late seventeenth century were like, it is quite hard to imagine a way in which it could have turned out better. [There were ‘modernising’ Indian rulers by the early C19, for example, but as they ‘modernised’ their armies and their state administration, they tried to use them to expand their monarchical power and territory by force.]

Which is emphatically NOT to say that it turned out unequivocally well, and people may have an irrational prejudice for being oppressed by rulers with the same colour of skin if they choose, but it is at least arguable that a] there wouldn’t be an ‘India’ and ‘Indians’ today without the British Raj, and b], without coming on all Monty Python, India might well lack the infrastructure and the rule of law it has today likewise. And who knows what horrors might have been perpetrated to at least match, if not surpass, the 1857 repression, the Bengal famines, etc etc etc?

If one is to go down the road of decrying imperialism out of hand, one is not very far away from wishing that nothing had ever happened, anywhere, to change anything. Which is a fair point, ethically, given all the downsides of change, but then can we brutal oppressors have our internet back, please?

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Hidari 12.17.09 at 9:21 am

‘When one actually does that reflection, in the knowledge of what other rulers in the region from the late seventeenth century were like, it is quite hard to imagine a way in which it could have turned out better.’

Actually it’s extremely easy to see how it could have turned out for the better. When the British (actually the British East India Company…the 1857 rebellion was not a revolt against the Raj but against rule by a corporation) invaded India it was one of the richest regions in the world. When they left, it was one of the poorest.

And this was not a coincidence. As has tirelessly been pointed out by the new anti ‘European Exceptionalism’ school of historians (Andre Gunder Frank, John Hobson, Jack Goody) in 1750 the ‘West’ was no richer or more special than anywhere else in the world. Western Europe was, however, one of the three major super-powers, the other two being India and China. The rise of the West (such that by 1850 Western Europe was unquestionably ‘top dog’ on the planet) was made possible by the annihilation of India and China as economic powerhouses (although this took quite a long time….Frank argues it wasn’t complete in China until the end of the second Opium War).

But the purpose of imperialism must never be forgotten. Even when it wasn’t complete extermination (the British in Tasmania, the Belgians in the Congo), it was to stop economic development in the colonies. (At least in terms of production). The Christian rhetoric of helping the natives etc. was just smoke and mirrors.

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ajay 12.17.09 at 9:41 am

When the British (actually the British East India Company…the 1857 rebellion was not a revolt against the Raj but against rule by a corporation) invaded India it was one of the richest regions in the world. When they left, it was one of the poorest.

When I was born, I was less than half as tall as my father. I am now slightly taller than him. But it does not therefore follow that, at some point in the last few decades, I sneaked up on him and cut his legs off.

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alex 12.17.09 at 12:16 pm

As for the poverty of modern India, you might also ask about, perhaps, the “lines of trucks and haulage lorries” stuffed with gold and jewels that the Nizam of Hyderabad kept on permanent standby from the 1930s to flee in the event of unrest. [W. Dalrymple, The Age of Kali, p. 197]

Clearly the Brits did their infamous best to prop up such abominations, but can anyone plausibly argue that, left to their own devices, these rulers would have become enlightened overseers of a modern industrial economy?

As to the point about the purpose of imperialism, yes, of course. But nobody else was ever any better. I don’t see why Europeans should be condemned in particular for being good at something that other people were trying to do too, just not as well.

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lemuel pitkin 12.17.09 at 5:21 pm

If one is to go down the road of decrying imperialism out of hand, one is not very far away from wishing that nothing had ever happened, anywhere, to change anything.

Wow, just wow.

I’m not going to respond to Alex, I think. I’m just going to contemplate that glorious bit of Fail.

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ajay 12.17.09 at 5:31 pm

But the purpose of imperialism must never be forgotten… it was to stop economic development in the colonies. (At least in terms of production).

[citation needed]

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