Dark clouds over Dutch Universities

by Ingrid Robeyns on September 4, 2024

group of protesters in front of Utrecht University's Academy BuildingOn Monday, the first day of our academic year, I went to a demonstration. The reason for the demonstration are the announced budget cuts for higher education, which our new right/extreme-right government wants to implement. The figures aren’t set in stone yet, but the financial appendix that was presented when the new government took office suggests that there will be a direct cut to the budget of higher eduction of 150 million euros in 2025, and increasing up to almost 1 billion a few years later (I read somewhere that this is equivalent to the size of one Dutch public university). The cuts would come in different ways – some are reversals to budget-increases that were made by the previous Minister (the renowned scholar Robbert Dijkgraaf who left his prestigious job in Princeton to serve as our minister of education); there are also indirect cuts because the government plans to reduce the number of international students (which will lower revenues for universities); and general cuts to HE. The government will also lower the payment universities gets for a student that takes too long to finish their undergraduate degree, and then expects the students to pay much higher fees. Importantly, the previous government made a Bestuursakkoord (a sort of ten-year contract) with the public universities, which this new government now modifies significantly, without agreement from the universities.

There was a real sense of defeat among the participants at the demonstration that I talked to, which I also sense very strongly. Why?

There is a sense of defeat because we fought intensively for almost 4 years to put inadequate funding for HE on the political agenda. When the Netherlands had a new government in 2017, who announced a 100 million budget cut on HE, Rens Bod, a professor from the University of Amsterdam, launched a petition to protest against this cut – which was one in a long row of relatively smaller cuts to HE over the previous two decades. From 2018 till the next elections, the activist group WOinActie used a wide range of tactics to protest against inadequate funding – and as I’ve mentioned here before, I was deeply involved in this activism. We tried to combine reasoning and argumentation in our lobbying work with actions that tried to make the case in the public realm. In retrospect, I think it was crucial that we kept talking directly with the minister of HE, Ingrid van Engelshoven, and didn’t allow her to get away with empty responses to our questions. And we saw that over time her position shifted. In the beginning we felt she was hiding behind the fact that this was part of the Coalition agreement and thus “nothing she could change”; then she said she acknowledged that there was extreme work pressure in universities, but wanted to solve this “in a budget neutral way”; and eventually she commissioned an external study that showed that the sector was underfunded, which paved the way for her party (the liberals D66) to demand an increase in the HE budget of 1 billion. That increase happened under Minister Robbert Dijkgraaf. But now it turns out that victory might have been very short-lived, as the current right/extreme-right government will bring back structural underfunding to the universities. The amount of energy the activists of WOinActie (and, in more diplomatic ways, also established organisations such as the Royal Academy of Arts and Sciences) put in was enormous; it was a victory that an independent audit confirmed that our demands were justified; yet all of this now appears to have been pretty much in vain.

This brings me to the second reason to feel that we are in a really dire situation. The victory of 2022 was only possible because Ingrid van Engelshoven, the minister of HE, could be reasoned with. She was willing to listen to our arguments, and she was willing to reconsider her position. I am not sure we can assume this is the case with the present coalition, since they simply pushed aside the entire political process that happened between 2018 and 2022. Without giving any reasons as to why they think it can be justified to re-introduce financial inadequacy. The budget plans also indicate that they tend to cut the highest tax brakes for entrepreneurs, and undo an announced increase in dividend taxation and on capital income – three measures that will cost the treasury far more than a billion from 2025 onwards. So other scenarios are eminently possible.

Digging deeper, we see the third reason to believe we are in a really dire situation: there is not a single party in this coalition that genuinely values universities. Our ruling parties are to a considerable extent anti-science, anti-intellectuals, anti-cultural-elites, anti-public sector, and anti-critical thinking. So no surprise they attack universities (as well as the entire cultural sector, the public radio, and so forth).

There are four parties in the coalition: the VVD is in essence a party for rich people and entrepreneurs; they see HE in purely instrumental terms for the economy. BBB, the new party of the farmers, is a party that prioritizes the interest of agro-business over climate action: they are deeply populist and dislike science when it gets in their way. PVV, the one-man-party of Geert Wilders, hates universities for the critical role they play in society. He is a close ideological friend of Viktor Orbán, which should tell you all you need to know. And finally, there is the new party NSC (“new social contract”), which profiles itself as economically in the center and culturally conservative. Perhaps they have some key people in that party that can be reasoned with and do not avoid giving real answer to questions – but on HE, I haven’t seen it yet. Also, three of those four parties overwhelmingly consist of people who were not in politics until this year; so they probably have simply no idea of what the recent history on this dossier is.

On Monday, Rens Bod called upon us to get ready to strike, and strike in a way that is disruptive. My experience with WOinActie has made me rather disappointed in the willingness of faculty in the Netherlands to fight for their own universities: they rather free-ride on the activist efforts of others, than make a significant effort themselves. But I hope I will be proven wrong.

{ 12 comments }

1

Matt 09.04.24 at 12:24 pm

This is sad to read, Ingrid. Do you have much of a view as to whether the supporters of the current government are also supporters of this policy, or if they are either indifferent to it or even hostile to it? I suppose that might make some difference to the most plausible paths to take towards change, but would also just be interesting to know.

2

Sashas 09.04.24 at 2:53 pm

Solidarity from across the pond. I hope you will share more about how the demonstrations & strikes go.

3

Tm 09.04.24 at 3:29 pm

May I ask a question? How come a fake “farmers” party is electorally successful in one of the world’s most urbanized countries? What do these people (most of whom are definitely not farmers) think they are voting for?

And a second question: how are these right-wingers/fascists now in power positioning themselves wrt reproductive rights?

4

russell1200 09.04.24 at 5:43 pm

@Tm
Netherlands is, by some measures, the second-largest exporter of food.

To do this they use a lot of manure/nitrogen, and that is being faced with environmental concerns/regulations. In general, farm regulation seems to help the big agra-business, who can better spread costs, than the smaller “family” farms. So you can get a very supported industry where the majority of people in it are very unhappy.

I am not sure why you call it a fake farmers party. Lots of political movements gain like-minded support far beyond their core numbers.

5

Tm 09.05.24 at 6:43 am

russell, I understand that the agro indostry is a powerful economic lobby. But how do they get urban people to vote for an agri business front party posing as a farmers party? The typical approach is to gain influence over mainstream right wing parties using their economic clout. They do that very successfully in many countries. But posing as a farmers party and then getting people who have nothing whatsoever to do with farming to vote for them is quite a feat which I would like to understand better.

I do call them fake yes because I don’t believe that this is a rural grassroots movement. Tell me why I’m wrong.

6

Chris Bertram 09.05.24 at 8:21 am

One of the reasons that farmers manage to get urban populations to vote for their concerns is, I think, that whatever the economic and demographic reality, they figure strongly in the nationalist imagination of what a country is about. See, for example French peasants (who have basically ceased to exist) and the British fishing industry whose plight was blamed on the EU and were a big part of the Brexit campaign. While the actual British fishing industry is a Scottish-owned agribusiness staffed by migrant labour, the public sympathise with a imaginary solo trawlerman caught in a storm off Cornwall or Grimbsby.

7

John Q 09.05.24 at 8:54 am

Australian unis facing similar problems. Huge housing crisis being blamed on population growth, and the only easy lever to pull is a reduction in places for international students. But the entire system relies on internationals paying high fees to subsidise domestics. A gigantic mess ahead, but no one really knows what will happen.

8

Kenny 09.05.24 at 5:25 pm

Tm – the BBB got more votes than any other party in a large number of urban districts, but this was often something like 12% or 13% of the vote. In rural districts they got large amounts of the vote. It doesn’t take a lot of support to be the largest party in a country with a large number of parties.

9

Zamfir 09.06.24 at 11:43 am

TM says: I do call them fake yes because I don’t believe that this is a rural grassroots movement.

As someone with family in Dutch rural areas: there is absolutely a “rural grassroots movement”. A lot of it is farmers in whatsapp groups, sometimes organizing a bit more formally like the FDF but mostly not. It has wide support among non-farmers, partially because they know or are related to farmers, partially from distrust towards The Hague and the Randstad. The BBB taps into that movement, it is not the movement itself. The BBB has some ties with agribusiness, but that does not make it a simple fraud. The BBB offers a political presence that seems quite valuable to the movement, as long as they keep delivering. This used to go through the LTO and CDA etc, but that system is collapsing.

These farmers are not stupid (some are, but quite a few are not). They know big agribusiness quite well, especially the animal farmers. De Heus is the guy who sends them a high bill every month, Vion doesn’t pay them enough, they are not natural freinds. At some point, their interest diverge and the farmers pay close attention to that. Buyouts are an obvious splitting point- bad for agribusiness, potentially good for farmers. The previous government tried to play that card without much success.

Most farmers do not want to stop farming now unless its for A Lot Of Money. They do not care about temporary deals that are gone when they do might want to sell. There is a lot of sentiment about a way of live they want to preserve, but also cold calculation from people who like being king of their own land, and know how much money that would take in another line of work.

Another thing to keep in mind: quite a few of the large agribusiness players are cooperations or mostly farmer-owned. Agrifirm, Campina, Vion, ForFarmers.

10

Tm 09.06.24 at 12:29 pm

CB: „they figure strongly in the nationalist imagination of what a country is about.“

I wonder whether that is the case in the Netherlands? Perhaps a parallel is the weird recent trend of US reactionaries to wear 18th century costumes, assuming some imaginary identity that has no connection with reality.

In Germany, the farmers/agribusiness lobby is also very powerful. mostly through the CDU and CSU, but the idea of an actual „farmers party“ seems utterly implausible. Farmers parties were a thing in agricultural societies. Farmer used to be a class identity so it made sense to have workers parties and farmers parties. Switzerland had a „Bauern-, Gewerbe- und Bürgerpartei“ but that was renamed to Volkspartei in 1967 (and has since massively grown in power). The emergence of a successful farmers party in the 21st century in one of the most urbanized, industrialized countries seems to ask for an explanation.

As an aside, the power of farmers lobbies is somewhat paradox. A few (often law-breaking and violent) trecker parades have been enough to totally upend EU environmental law, see how easy that was, but somehow these powerful actors never succeed to get a few pennies more per liter milk from retail businesses. It’s not really paradox of course if one understands that this isn’t really about the interests of farmers (whose main enemy is climate change) but of agribusiness. I find it hard to believe that the farmers themselves don’t understand this.

11

Ingrid Robeyns 09.06.24 at 7:18 pm

Jason Stanley in The Guardian: “Authoritarians and would-be authoritarians are only too aware that universities are primary sites of critique and dissent. Attacks on universities are the canary in the coalmine of fascism.”

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/article/2024/sep/05/why-fascists-hate-universities-us-bangladesh-india

12

KT2 09.06.24 at 11:30 pm

IR, the Jason Stanley delivered this Vance quote which Trumps Nixon… “”Vance also proclaimed, echoing Richard Nixon: “The professors are the enemy” ~ Jason Stanely

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