Balance or both-sidesism

by John Q on September 22, 2023

It’s time for me to have my final say on a dispute with Matt Yglesias that has been going at a fairly slow pace.

A couple of weeks ago, Matt put up a post (really a Substack newsletter, but I still think in blog terms), headlined Polarization is a choice with the subtitle, “Political elites justify polarizing decisions with self-fulfilling prophesies”

I responded with a snarky but (I thought) self-explanatory note, saying “Peak both sidesism here. Republicans want to overthrow US democracy, while Democrats stubbornly insist on keeping it. Surely there is some middle ground to be found here

A few days ago, Matt came back to ask “I’m curious what actual things the article says you believe are wrong. You clearly didn’t like it since you choose to mischaracterize it in a mean-spirited way, but I’m not sure what you didn’t like about it.”

So, here’s my response.

I start from the position that the Republican Party is an extreme-right party, comparable to Fidesz in Hungary, which its intellectual leaders much admire. It’s anti-democratic, racist and dominated by delusional claims and conspiracy theories encompassing just about everything.

Orban at CPAC

The far-right positioning of the US isn’t new. It’s been developing over at least thirty years, notably since the launch of Fox News. But the rise of Trump has crystallised the transition from a more-or-less normal rightwing party to an organisation of the far-right.

By contrast, the Democratic party is a moderate party of the centre and centre-left: even members perceived as leftwing in the US context, such as Sanders and AOC would be unremarkable centre-leftists elsewhere.

This shift has cost the Republicans some political support. From being the unchallenged majority party (at least at the Presidential level) in the 1980s, they have become a minority, which has accelerated their shift to anti-democratic positions. But they still command the support of nearly half of American voters, and, within that half, the majority is committed to Trump personally, and to positions that can fairly be described as fascist.

In this context, what can we make of an article headlined “Polarization is a choice: Political elites justify polarizing decisions with self-fulfilling prophesies”. My brief and snarky response was “Peak both sidesism here. Republicans want to overthrow US democracy, while Democrats stubbornly insist on keeping it. Surely there is some middle ground to be found here

I don’t see how my claim of both-sidesism can be denied here. The headline refers to “Political elites”, with no suggestion that one side bears more of the blame than the other (except that “elites”, while presumably intended neutrally here, is widely taken as rightwing code for “educated people we don’t like”). The article is entirely consistent with this reading. Republicans and Democrats alike are praised for compromise, and criticised for pursuing the policies preferred by their activist supporters. In this context, Trump’s actions in office are explicitly compared with the moderate reforms proposed by Biden on taking office (the Jan 6 insurrection is not mentioned).

Similarly, “polarization” is an inherently symmetrical metaphor, with the clear implication of an undesirable move away from a neutral or middle-ground position, defined by the views of the median voter. And here we come to a point which, I think, is at the core of our disagreement.

Matt’s argument, stated in the headline, is that political polarization results from the choices of political professionals to position their parties further away from the views of the median US voter (which are implicitly assumed to be moderate and sensible). In reality, the far-right radicalisation of the Republican party has involved a series of self-reinforcing interactions between Republican voters and activists and the Republican political-intellectual-media class. The core of this dynamic is the interaction between voters (particularly Republican primary voters) and the rightwing media, starting with Fox and extending to Alex Jones, Newsmax and Stormfront.

The intellectual and political classes have mostly followed rather than led, with the old establishment gradually replaced by delusional extremists of various kinds.

To sum up: an analysis of the US political scene that starts from the assumption that it involves a contest for the middle ground between two normal political parties, is fundamentally wrong. It’s less plausible even than the Republican mirror image of the view I’ve presented, in which it’s the Democrats who are plotting to end democracy and establish socialism. That view is crazy, but as long as you are willing to assume that anything you see or read from outside the Fox/QAnon bubble is part of the plot, it’s internally consistent.

Since I started writing this, I’ve been made aware of the 2025 Project, where the intention to establish a permanent rightwing dictatorship is about as clear as it can possibly be. To me, at least, its pretty clear where the “polarisation” is coming from.

{ 73 comments }

1

John Q 09.22.23 at 1:12 am

Comments, including criticism, are welcome, with the exception of pseud0-left versions of both-sidesism (Dems same as R’s, democracy is a sham, etc).

I’ve had enough of them to last more than one lifetime. If such comments appear, they will be deleted with prejudice.

2

J-D 09.22.23 at 2:14 am

It’s the ‘argument to moderation’ or ‘golden mean fallacy’. The unstated assumption behind the discussion of the causes of polarisation is that polarisation must be a bad thing. But that’s only true sometimes. Polarisation is not always a bad thing, and it’s wrong to assume it is without having a reason for thinking so.

One small point about this —

From being the unchallenged majority party in the 1980s

–in 1984, a majority of US voters chose Ronald Reagan over Walter Mondale; but also in 1984, a majority of US voters chose Democratic House candidates over Republican House candidates.

3

TF79 09.22.23 at 3:06 am

Having read your response here first and then the original article, it feels a lot like you’re talking past each other.

4

Kartik Agaram 09.22.23 at 5:06 am

I wholeheartedly agree with this. But it’s not clear to me which part of it would be new to Matt.

It’s totally legitimate, though, to point out that https://www.slowboring.com/p/polarization-is-a-choice mentions ‘democracy’ 0 times. It feels like cherry-picking and not very intellectually honest.

5

Fake Dave 09.22.23 at 5:11 am

That Yglesias article is so much worse than I expected that your snark now seems inadequate. A few paragraphs in and I haven’t seen that much both-sideism yet (or really any sort of thesis), but I’m absolutely flumoxed by the number of bizarre or baseless counterfactuals and arguments from assertion (Clinton=Dukakis, Trump would have been reelected if only…, John Roberts was right!). It’s clear that he’s been living in pundit land for a very long time and has become quite jaded, but it’s less clear who he’s actually responding to or why they’re worth rebutting. I will press on, but am I wrong to remember him being a better writer than this?

6

Cheez Whiz 09.22.23 at 5:16 am

I broke down and read the “post”. Engaging with Matt is like engaging with Jell-o. He talks about “elites” and “people” as if we all have the decoder ring, he mentions Democratic “leaders” thinking a pivot to the left was a good idea, and his follow-up cite starts with “young Democrstic wonks” feeling discouraged. Not to mention his cite for Trump’s “centrist” positions based on statements made by Ttump during the campaign. It might have been reasonable to take Trump at his word in 2016, but to cite that now transcends willful blindness. Your point about the polarizing frame being loaded with baggage is fair, but the more I dig the more nothing I find to engage with. He has a conclusion but no argument to engage with, just an army of faceless nameless people, elites, and leaders.

7

Jed Harris 09.22.23 at 5:19 am

Your criticism is correct but I think Yglesias is attempting a (flawed) analysis of a repeated pattern while you are looking at long term trends and not analyzing short term patterns.

For example Yglesias says:

[Trump’s] pivot to the right involved him directly violating promises he made during the GOP primary campaign. In other words, it’s not that Trump “had to” pivot right in order to win the nomination. He ran and won saying that he would protect Medicaid (along with Social Security and Medicare) and tax the rich, but then he endorsed congressional Republican efforts to do the reverse.

I’m not sure I recall in sufficient detail but this seems roughly true to me. Furthermore as best I recall Trump started out as more or less a plutocratic racist Democrat, but kept finding greener pastures as he went more right-wing populist.

Yglesias’ analysis of a leftward turn by Biden is less convincing. More generally I don’t see that this pattern is repeated very clearly in previous administrations, though G.W. Bush may also be a good example. So your objection of bothsidesism is probably correct but it leaves some interesting specifics on the floor.

To the extent Yglesias is correct the cause of shifts toward relative extremism is probably just candidates getting much more forcefully lobbied once they are elected — not really all that interesting.

My own question arising from this interchange: What has driven the long term trend that you identify? Up to a point (again marked by Trump) the trend is maybe due to a symbiosis between plutocratic support for conventional right-wing policies, and increasing incorporation of culture war themes to keep enough emotionally driven voters inside the tent. But during the Obama years and decisively with Trump, the culture war themes seem to have broken free from the policies and have become an independent power base.

I wish I knew of an analysis that explains the effectiveness of culture war themes (psychologically, socially, and epidemically), and traces the way they grew in Republican discourse from the John Birch society to the present. Racism is clearly a big factor but also clearly not the whole story, or even maybe the biggest part of the story.

8

Neville Morley 09.22.23 at 5:45 am

The Yglesias objection to your characterisation, I would guess, is that he’s trying to define an underlying political mechanism – politicians of all parties campaign by appealing to voter middle ground then govern by keeping their base onside, rather than ‘polarization’ being something that just mysteriously happens – rather than evaluating the contents of those policies or actions, whereas you’re emphasising the latter. I don’t think that makes his argument any more convincing, not least because it seems to depend on claims like “Donald Trump, who on Election Day 2016 was seen as a badly flawed candidate with a moderate ideology…”

9

Alan White 09.22.23 at 6:19 am

I’m all in on this effort. But my worry is how does rational opposition stand a chance against incessant Foxist propaganda based on a cult of Trumpist personality that is Charles Stevenson emotivist in its promotion of media influence that swallows reason in its maw of constant incessant lies? Are there enough equally emotionally-associated issues–reproductive rights, voter suppression, racism among the largest–that can be pressed for reason to prevail against them? I’ve been depressed (and clinically for a short time) since 2016 and grasp at any straws of hope. Thanks John.

10

Moz in Oz 09.22.23 at 6:20 am

As someone who criticises the Australian left for their anti-democratic tendencies (the current federal government is at best reluctant to repeal the draconian anti-protest, anti-refugee laws or even the overbroad anti-terrorist ones), I can see an argument that the US centre-right is just a less extreme version of whatever the far right is doing. There isn’t a pro-democracy movement in the USA that has any visibility or power.

But there very much is an anti-democratic movement, and it has been busy planning for the next time they have power so they don’t make the same mistakes again. And they’re planning a disturbing amount right out in public, so even people like me get to see it. Like the plan to make much more of the civil service political appointees, and the even more extreme candidates they have for the already political ones.

https://duckduckgo.com/?t=ffab&q=republican+plan+more+of+the+civil+service+political+appointees&ia=web returns quite the list of commentary

11

anon/portly 09.22.23 at 6:40 am

Republicans and Democrats alike are praised for compromise, and criticised for pursuing the policies preferred by their activist supporters.

I don’t see where the Republicans are “praised.” The section that discusses Republicans specifically, titled “Donald Trump’s lost moderation,” posits that Trump’s decision to govern as a more typical Republican (as opposed to how he campaigned in 2016) cost Republicans votes in 2018, 2020 and 2022.

He ends that section by saying:

The Trump Show has many dimensions and the part where the star often does totally normal conservative Republican things is the least interesting part of the program, but it’s still important.

About the other “part[s] of the program,” he says “[a]ll the normal things people say about American politics of 2015-2023 are true.”

I take what JQ says in rebuttal to be mostly what Yglesias means by “normal things people say about American politics of 2015-2023;” but I can’t tell whether the argument is that Yglesias is wrong because the public policy choices of Trump and the Democrats have no significant effect on electoral outcomes, because of Trump and the current state of the Republican party, or that Yglesias is wrong because their effect on electoral outcomes is not important, because of Trump and the current state of the Republican party.

12

John Q 09.22.23 at 7:20 am

@Moz in Oz. I did a double-take when you described yourself “As someone who criticises the Australian left for their anti-democratic tendencies”, and then went on to refer to the ALP. I stopped thinking of Labor as part of the left (let alone as “the left”) once Albanese took over in 2019 and dumped all their policies.

@portly I take this to be praise for Republican moderation “The most politically convenient possible scenario for Democrats would have been to do something like the Reagan-Bush handoff in 1988, where the GOP nominated a successor who was broadly understood to be more moderate than his boss. “

13

John Q 09.22.23 at 7:23 am

J-D @2 The Dems congressional strength in the 1980s rested on Southern Democrats who mostly supported Reagan and became official Republicans if they stayed around long enough.

14

Left Outside 09.22.23 at 8:37 am

It was Milan, the intern, who is leaving Matt’s substack, Yglesias is going no where. He’s making more than a million quid a year. He will never stop posting.

15

Moz in Oz 09.22.23 at 9:19 am

JohnQ: there’s a bit of no true scotsman involved. But possibly part of the problem you’re talking about is that while we have a variety of right parties from the centre-right Democrats to the “not fascist (any more, honest)” Brothers of Italy, we don’t really have that variety on the left. But I’m pretty sure the ALP formally identifies as left-wing.

At least in Australia we’re allowed more than two parties so we can have a meaningful green-brown axis, albeit with the same clustering problem where there’s a diversity of brown parties but hardly any green ones.

Most of my attention goes into the question “just how ecocidal are the current parties and how do I rank them in order to vote”. That’s where I end up siding with you: it’s nonsense to talk about finding a balance between ending civilisation and not doing that, a direct parallel to the “polarization” between ending democracy in the USA and not doing that.

16

Fake Dave 09.22.23 at 9:21 am

OK, I made it to the end and read many of the (hundreds of) Substack comments and that little world they’ve built for themselves is nasty. What I’m seeing isn’t so much both side-ism as a clear rightward drift –even radicalization — coupled with a self-deceiving insistence that they’ve stayed the same while the Democrats have been sprinting toward the “hard left.” Clinton is alleged to have positioned herself well to the left of Obama and Biden has supposedly been seduced even further by a pack of Warrenites. In Yglesias land, Warren is a radical who should be thrown out the Overton window, while Sanders [spits] is more extreme than Trump (who Yglesias seems to think campaigned as a moderate) and somewhere between villain and scapegoat with his biggest crime being to force Clinton to run as a “leftist.”

Ironically, what all this “gospel of moderation” stuff reminds me of most isn’t the sensible center but rather diagonalism — the so-called “horseshoe theory” of far left and far right wrapping around to meet at the fringes. The sense of being an enlightened elite rejecting mainstream pilitical labels is there and even some of the language — several people mention having to pander to the “normies.” As typically happens, the reactionary side seems to be winning. It’s taken for granted, for instance, that Biden opening public lands to oil drilling is proof of his finally returning to seriousness and moderation. Campaign promises made to appease”the left” are better off broken and the reality of climate change isn’t worth a fig leaf. The cynicism is palpable. There’s an even uglier thread in there where they take turns praising the “moderation” of Biden’s Trump-lite immigration policies and bemoaning that the liberal media just doesn’t understand, but I don’t know if Yglesias himself is that far gone yet.

17

J-D 09.22.23 at 10:07 am

The Dems congressional strength in the 1980s rested on Southern Democrats who mostly supported Reagan and became official Republicans if they stayed around long enough.

The Democrats held a majority of Northern House seats in the 1980s.

18

MisterMr 09.22.23 at 10:42 am

After reading Yglesias’ article, I think he doesn’t understand why polarization is happening.

He doesn’t see the difference between “culture war” positions and “economics” positions, so he says that Trump in 2016 was a moderate, but in reality in terms of “culture war” he was already quite extremist.
When many dems say the republicans are going fascist, they most mean the “culture war” aspect. The fact that trump was somewhat a moderate on the economic said not only doesn’t contradict it, but is actually the main reason he (and future republican politicians) have to take the fascist/rightwing populist route: because the traditional republican economics are not liked anymore by most voters, so they have to double down on guns, anti-abortion etc.
I remember being on a forum during the Trump campaign, it was about martial arts and not politics, but most posters were right leaning and they were very passionate against gun control; some posters actually said that they wanted Trump in because they wanted a republican mayority on the supreme court (I’m sure many democrats would think the same thinhg on the opposite direction).

In the meanwhile, Yglesias sees increased dem polarisation mostly on the “economics” side, but republicans are mostly pissed off by “wokes”, which is a culture war position not an economic one.

So on the whole he misses the point because he is looking only at the “economic” position, where he would like probably some centre-left stuff, and doesn’t see that the polarisation comes largely from the “culture wars” position (that IMHO also indirectly come from economics, but only indirectly).

19

engels 09.22.23 at 10:45 am

Yglesias was talking about political polarisation, you’re talking about attitudes to the electoral system. The two would only be equivalent if the latter was the cause of the former but afaics that isn’t the case.

20

engels 09.22.23 at 11:14 am

If someone thinks that “Republicans” (50% of US?) are inveterately opposed to democracy and that is what is driving their politics then clearly any compromise with them or self-criticism of the Democratic side would be futile, but that seems like an example of the kind of self-fulfilling pessimism Yglesias is objecting to (from a brief perusal of his post).

21

M Caswell 09.22.23 at 12:12 pm

“the clear implication of an undesirable move away from a neutral or middle-ground position”

I don’t think that’s the implication. The Yglesias piece doesn’t assume there’s anything inherently wrong with polarization. Nor does his argument depend on the notion that
“the views of the median US voter” are “moderate and sensible”– except in a statistical sense of moderate. There are some moves away from the center of opinion Yglesias cites as substantively good policy, some he objects to. Rather, the issue is whether, in the current context, those moves are electorally advantageous or not, and therefore whether polarization of the electorate can serve as an independent justification for a position or campaign.

22

Matt Y. 09.22.23 at 1:48 pm

OP @13,

No, it did not (at least in its totality). It relied on the twilight years of the political power of organized labor. It wasn’t until the 1994 election that the GOP was finally able to break the Dem hold on the House.

You can similarly dismiss the argument that the GOP was the “unchallenged majority party in the 1980s” by looking at the ratio of gubernatorial seats by party; at no point in the 1980s – even when 13 states were up for grabs in the 1984 presidential blow-out election – did the GOP have a majority of state governorships. For several years they had ~ 1/3rd as many as the Dems.

It’s easy to paint US politics with only presidential brushstrokes, but it’s just not that easy.

23

LFC 09.22.23 at 3:10 pm

I haven’t read the Yglesias piece, but the following q&a, from a recent PBS NewsHr interview w S. Levitsky and D. Ziblatt, seems on point:

“[Question]: Can you first establish when you, as someone who is an expert in the collapse of democracies, diagnosed that there is now a popular authoritarian movement within the Republican Party?

STEVEN LEVITSKY, Co-Author, “Tyranny of the Minority: Why American Democracy Reached the Breaking Point”: Well, I think there’s always been authoritarian factions, authoritarian movements really within both parties historically.

What’s really new is that it became a primary winning majority within the Republican Party, effectively took over the Republican Party.

So the first sign, of course, was Trump’s nomination in 2016.

And we were – – the reason we wrote our first book, “How Democracies Die,” is, we were so concerned about the Republican Party’s failure to stop Trump.

But it’s really after Trump was elected that we saw the removal, the retirement, the disappearance of non-Trumpist elements within the Republican Party and a Trumpist majority emerge within the Republican Party, so after 2016.”

JQ’s characterization of the Republican Party and Levitsky’s characterization of it use different language, but they’re not far apart at all, imo.

An interesting question is, once Trump departs the scene, will Trumpism continue its stranglehold on the Repub Party, and the answer is not yet clear.

Btw what distinguishes Reaganism, a right-wing ideology, from the current position of most of the Repub party is the attitude toward democratic norms (e.g., acceptance of election results). So if the Repub party were to return to Reaganism it would still be a right-wing party, but it would not be a right-wing party committed to authoritarianism and the erosion of democracy in the way that significant elements in the current Repub party are. In other words one needs to distinguish between a substantive right-wing ideology (Reaganism) and a procedural belief in the virtues of authoritarianism (Trumpism). Of course Trumpism has a substantive component, but the greatest danger is its rejection of democratic norms and procedures.

24

nastywoman 09.22.23 at 4:30 pm

It’s actually much much worst as:
“Peak both sidesism here. Republicans want to destroy the world by NOT believing in Climate Change – while Democrats stubbornly insist on saving the world by helping to fight the Climate Crisis.. Surely there is some middle ground to be found here”

25

nastywoman 09.22.23 at 4:57 pm

BUT some Americans are probably the only people in the world who believe that Republicans who don’t believe in the Climate Crisis -(and the duty of any democracy to fight it) are more or less the same than than people who on Election Day 2016 saw Trump as a badly flawed candidate with a moderate ideology — more like Clinton, Gerald Ford, or Bush the Elder than Obama, Reagan, or W?

That has absolutely
NOTHING
to do with each other –
or in other words it’s just like the German Allensbach Method which considers somebody to be a Crazy Right Wing Racist Science Denying Sex Abusing Liar
ONLY if he hits at least 5 of the stereotypical characteristics for such a… a… dude while the
UTMOST IMPORTANT ISSUE
(the belief that the world isn’t flat)
is not even included in the ‘SINK’!

26

hix 09.22.23 at 5:59 pm

The good old median voter. Isaac Asimov once wrote a short story where the super comp just picked the median voter who would vote alone in a two party system. The US median voter always was sufficiently misinformed in a non random way – missinformed in the interest of those with lots of money and particular stupid personalities willing to influence what news he got- and sufficiently different from the median person with voting right to make that thing a joke even in the best of times on those grounds alone.

27

PatinIowa 09.22.23 at 6:33 pm

If you read National Review in the 1950s and 1960s, especially when it was justifying Jim Crow, you’d know that an anti-democratic ideology has always been attractive to conservatives. You’d also know from the Civil Rights Movement that the Southern Democrats were profoundly attached to the idea, which facilitated their migration to the Republican Party after Goldwater. My point? Ideologically, things haven’t changed that much, even though party affiliations have altered considerably.

Letter from Birmingham Jail was written to people like Yglesias, in my opinion.

28

Ebenezer Scrooge 09.22.23 at 7:10 pm

Jed@7: I’ve found that you can usually replace the vague term “culture wars” with either “masculinism” or “white innocence.” Masculinism is an ideology, and I think a fairly well-developed one. In brief, it is what happens when the “two spheres” theory (feminine home and masculine outside world) collides with modern feminism. Masculinism is a retreat from this theory. Masculinism acknowledges the economic equality of women, which allows it to jettison the masculine role of “good provider.” All that is left is “protector,” which means righteous violence: Judge Dredd animated by the Reverend Billy Bob.

29

kent 09.22.23 at 7:26 pm

I think Matt’s argument is clear and useful. I’m having a hard time pinpointing why I think so, and where I differ from the OP, and also where the OP differs from Matt.

“an analysis of the US political scene that starts from the assumption that it involves a contest for the middle ground between two normal political parties, is fundamentally wrong.”

I wonder how much of the force of this sentence depends on the word “normal”. I agree that R’s aren’t normal right now. But does that matter? If so, why?

It’s Joe Biden’s job to win the 2024 election whether the R’s are normal or not! If they’re not normal, it becomes more important than ever. So political calculations — how do you actually win this election — become more important, not less.

Matt points out in another article that Donald Trump is trying to be the moderate on abortion. Ron DeSantis is excitedly staking out the extreme pro-life position, and Trump is saying that’s stupid. (This despite the fact that Trump is directly responsible for the overturning of Roe v Wade — the distinction between what you say and what your policies accomplish is important.) Trump wants to be seen as a moderate (relative to the rest of the Rs) on abortion, just like he was seen as the moderate (relative to the other Rs) on Social Security and Medicare in 2016. You can argue til you’re blue in the face that his position isn’t “really” moderate, but that’s not the point. Whether Trump takes the most extremely right-wing position or a squishier position on abortion is going to make a huge difference as to his electability.

I, for one, say Matt is correct about this specific point! I very much want Trump to lose and so I’m rooting for him to loudly and forcefully take up the most pro-life position possible!

I wonder if the OP believes that this specific point (on Trump and abortion) is correct or incorrect. Perhaps that could go some way toward helping me understand the level at which the disagreement is occurring.

30

mary s 09.22.23 at 8:18 pm

I’m confused about what Yglesias is talking about. He says “it’s important to avoid completely retreating into abstractions about polarization.” But what is his notion of polarization? I mean, in the US we have two major parties. Is he saying that polarization is what happens when two parties come up with different policy views/platforms?

And yeah, there’s quite a bit of cherrypicking going on. Take Jimmy Carter, for example. He campaigned on a more progressive economic platform and then he changed his tune when he got into office.

https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/kai-bird-jimmy-carter-outlier/

(p.s. He did not get reelected.)

Also, there’s no acknowledgment of the structural factors at the national level (electoral college, Senate, Supreme Court, etc.) that make “moderation” or “bipartisanship” important when it comes to policymaking — but this is really only true for Democrats, at least these days.

In the end, I don’t think the article is even worth responding to. The main point seems to be that sometimes politicians change their minds because they come into contact with somebody who makes a convincing argument. I guess that’s true, as far as it goes. But it doesn’t go very far.

31

hix 09.22.23 at 9:40 pm

“It’s Joe Biden’s job to win the 2024 election whether the R’s are normal or not! If they’re not normal, it becomes more important than ever. So political calculations — how do you actually win this election — become more important, not less.”

No, that is not his most important job. His most important job is to turn the US into a functioning democracy. Apeasing the crazy may or may not work in the polling booth for him in a single election, but it sure will move the US further away from democracy. In the next election, the lies, the conspiracies, the racism, the disregard for fair elections are one step closer to normal. Maybe another Democrats cover version, even more indistinguishable from the original can win another election. More likely, we will arive at the full shall we say Orban or Nethanjahu or Erdogan, whichever you prefer.

32

Alex SL 09.22.23 at 10:56 pm

I haven’t read the piece, but the quote is, of course, both-sideism, yes.

Despite being completely ingrained on the right, the idea that the centre-left has become more extreme is ludicrous. To the right it is a justification for their own radicalism (look what you made me do to you), and centrists need to believe it to feel superior and above-it-all and not think too hard about the Overton Window (as the old joke from the Bush era goes, the right wants to put all kittens in a blender, the left wants to kill none of them, so the sensible compromise is to kill half).

To the degree that one could charitably try to argue that the perception of polarisation on the left is based on something, anything, it would be that societal attitudes towards LGBTQetc people have become more tolerant over the decades. But that then means accepting the argument that getting into trouble at work for being abusive towards your colleague or student is an intolerable infringement on liberty and/or a conspiracy to Destroy Western Civilisation. More importantly, on economic policy “the left” is far to the right of where conservatives were a few decades ago.

The irony here is that the nominally centre-left parties will always be painted as the second coming of Stalin no matter how moderate or even neoliberal they are in reality. Obama was demonised as a ‘Marxist’ for adopting a Republican health care plan, and Biden gets the same treatment for investing in infrastructure. Ardern was a ‘dictator’ for doing a Covid lock-down and then… lifting it again, with all civil liberties miraculously intact. Australia currently experiences a moral panic over the idea of giving indigenous people consultation rights while the government approves coal and gas developments left, right and centre and pushes through with massive tax breaks benefiting mostly the wealthy. The contemporary right only has one mental gear: conspiracy theory. Actual policies don’t come into it.

Therefore, those nominally centre-left parties might just as well do something useful like raise top marginal tax rates, increase unemployment benefits, get serious about keeping the planet habitable, make life less miserable for refugees, or (in the case of the UK) admit that Brexit was a bad idea, because their treatment in the billionaire-run media remains the same either way. That they then don’t do any of these things shows to me that they don’t actually want to do them either.

In most countries we thus have the choice between one large party that makes everything worse and thinks that they are the only ones ever entitled to win elections, and one large party that makes most things worse and is okay with losing elections. That is a difference that matters, because I would like to keep democracy, thank you very much. But the drivers of radicalisation of the right, growing economic insecurity of the middle class plus massive concentration of wealth and media power plus low degree of education and media literacy, aren’t solved by the nominal centre-left either on the rare occasions when they get elected, so, how will the right ever de-radicalise? Is the hope in the Labour/Democratic parties of the world that the problem goes away if they cover their eyes and say, “I don’t see anything”?

33

John Q 09.23.23 at 12:32 am

I’ve corrected my claim about Republicans as the majority party in the 1980s

34

Moz in Oz 09.23.23 at 12:54 am

I wonder whether this is partly driven by “I don’t like it when you argue, please stop”, which is generally addressed to the less argumentative side because they’re more likely to agree.

35

bad Jim 09.23.23 at 6:05 am

«I always made one prayer to God, a very short one. Here it is: “O Lord, make our enemies quite ridiculous!” God granted it.»

A quick way to determine someone’s vaccination status is to ask their party affiliation. Death rates from COVID in different states bear this out. The latest fashion is the notion that library books are part of a conspiracy to turn children transgender.

The rhetoric of the right wing, as exemplified by the erratically capitalized ejaculations of The Fat Guy, make the John Birch Society’s insinuations of Communist influence sound positively genteel. It seems that nowadays that nothing less than demonic power can adequately characterize the imminent threat.

In the House of Representatives, competing factions complain that their respective budget proposals are insufficiently extreme; one which would certainly be vetoed is decried as a giveaway to the president.

Even the allies in this group are incapable of compromise with each other, much less with the rest of the House, or the Senate, or the President, all of whom would have to agree to enact, if not a formal budget, at least some sort of legislative wand-waving to allow the nation’s normal operation.

You’d have to be pretty astigmatic to see symmetry in this situation.

36

nastywoman 09.23.23 at 6:47 am

@You’d have to be pretty astigmatic to see symmetry in this situation.

BUT STILL!!? .
not a word from anybody else here – about the utmost relevant A-symmetry –
that Republicans want to destroy OUR world by NOT believing in Climate Change – while Democrats stubbornly insist on saving the world by helping to fight the Climate Crisis?
And that’s truly confusing – as we know that especially US Conservatives LOVE their Homeland -(and it’s NATIONAL Parks and it’s nature) nearly as much a German GREENS LOVE the environment and nature
NOT only of their Heimatland
BUT the whole world to such a dimension that they even accept rules and regulations an American Conservative would rail against limiting his freedom –
while somehow –
the US Sierra Club -(a Club with a bases of truly ultraconservative Americans) ‘is bringing people together to build the most powerful and effective environmental movement the world has ever seen’.
AND
The Sierra Club is the most enduring and influential grassroots environmental organization in the United States. We amplify the power of our millions of members and supporters to defend everyone’s right to a healthy world.

AND WE filmed in ALL major US Nationalparks and NOBODY discusses there why ‘people on Election Day 2016 saw Trump as a badly flawed candidate with a moderate ideology — more like Clinton, Gerald Ford, or Bush the Elder than Obama, Reagan, or W’.

37

Ken_L 09.23.23 at 7:29 am

I won’t repeat my comment on the post at John’s own site. Suffice to say that arguments based on the premise that political differences in the US are about policies are based on a fundamental misconception. The white supremacist right, which has taken over the Republican Party, has only one position: “radical Marxist Democrats” have taken over all the important American institutions. They are determined to destroy Real America. Therefore the Republican Party must oppose anything the Democratic Party favors with every fiber of its being. They believe they are in an existential struggle to save the Soul of America and its Values.

Therefore they see no need to make a rational argument against whatever liberals are trying to do, whether it be responding to a global pandemic, supporting a victim of Russian aggression, or trying to reverse global warming. There’s no need even to investigate the evidence that Democrats are citing to justify their proposals. The fact that they are being promoted by Democrats means they are bad. Any “facts” or “logic” used to support them are self-evidently lies, or “fake news”. If Democrats want people to get vaccinated, it’s obviously a plot to “take away Americans’ freedoms”. Ditto the heinous conspiracy to force Americans to stop using fossil fuels, for which the stated evidence-based case does nothing but illustrate the sophistication of the radical Marxist conspiracy.

In other words, “polarisation” is the Trump Republican Party’s default strategy. It’s astonishing that Yglesias doesn’t understand this, despite the overwhelming evidence of it in its words and the actions.

38

Tm 09.23.23 at 11:30 am

The right-wingers claim to believe that Biden is a communist (https://www.newsweek.com/marjorie-taylor-greene-says-history-proves-biden-committing-communist-takeover-us-1613746). They even claim to believe that the Pope is a communist (https://www.newsweek.com/two-communists-trump-ally-rep-claudia-tenney-slams-pope-francis-meeting-pelosi-1637850).

Does Yglesias really claim to believe what Republicans claim to believe? That’s beyond crazy.

39

Icastico 09.23.23 at 3:46 pm

I find the framing of “polarization” unhelpful to capture the current political environment. Polarization suggests that there are policy differences at the heart of the disputes. But that’s not the issue currently where it is who you are as define by party affiliation that matters (or seems to matter) to those in power. Tribalism, not polarization is the challenge that has gotten worse in my lifetime.

The upcoming government shutdown is a perfect example. Without tribalism, McCarthy has an easy path to pass a budget. Ignore his right flank, work with Jeffries, pull in a handful of the most conservative Democrats, and pass a budget. But that requires working with the other tribe. Not even considered an option today. It would have been in the past.

40

reason 09.23.23 at 7:13 pm

Mr Mister – I mostly agree with what you say but this is just wrong:
“When many dems say the republicans are going fascist, they most mean the “culture war” aspect.”

No the fascist bit is that they don’t accept the concept of objectivity. There is only for us or against us. Justice (or even science for that matter) is not an exercise in truth discover, but and exercise in power projection only.

41

engels 09.23.23 at 9:25 pm

Tl;dr it is wrong to assume that being “centre” means you can’t be extreme: Tariq Ali is very good on this and there is also now a culture war aspect (mainstream bourgeois liberalism has adopted “radical” positions on a range of cultural topics—whether they believe or understand them is another matter). Starmer has “moderate” economic and cultural positions but has become “extreme” in method in his treatment or left-wing dissent, ime a tendency which has affected a lot of liberals.

42

Alex SL 09.23.23 at 10:40 pm

The question whether right-wing conspiracy mongers actually believe what they claim to believe – e.g., that Obama is an atheist Muslim Marxist, or that the indigenous voice to parliament will mean that the UN takes over Australia – is a fascinating one. I’d like to read more research on that. What what it is worth, my current hunch is that there is a gradient form the leaders to the followers, with the former more likely to use conspiracy mongering as a cynical ploy, and the latter more likely to truly believe the nonsense.

However, and this was extremely difficult for me to accept and even to understand over the years, there are also many people capable of believing several contradictory things at the same time. For example, that Obama is an atheist and a Muslim; that the left are easily defeated weaklings disconnected from the real world because they care about pronouns and that they are behind a nefarious conspiracy that controls the deep state and all cultural institutions to destroy western civilisation; or that identity politics are bad because it is all about group characteristics instead of individuality and that black people are genetically inferior to white people. This means that a lot of right wingers may, as strange as that sounds, know that they are tactically talking nonsense to get one over on the other lot and at the same time believe that the nonsense is the truth.

43

Ray V 09.24.23 at 1:24 am

Can someone explain the Yglesias phenom?

Why do people always either believe this guy has good ideas or react to his bad ideas?

How does he get to be the center node that way?

As the post notes, he is not careful in his thinking. His arguments aren’t convincing. He generally gets the initial facts wrong somewhere.

But people are always paying attention to what he says.

44

Peter Dorman 09.24.23 at 4:03 am

I finally got around to reading the Yglesias piece, and I think I know what pissed off both parties. Yglesias is mainly interested in rebalancing the structure-agency framing of modern US politics. He thinks structure has been oversold and that agency has played a very important, perhaps even decisive, part. Polarization in this context is mostly an example.

Quiggin really dislikes the term “polarization” as a descriptor of political development in the US and other wealthy democratic countries. It calls attention to the gap between competing political positions without considering the profound asymmetry between, say, AOC and Marjory Taylor-Green. The Republicans are sliding toward a fascist program, the Democrats tiptoeing nervously toward social democracy. Saying that both are contributing to something called “polarization” is perverse.

Now, Yglesias can say, as I suspect he would, that no value judgments are implied. He just wants us to know that shifts away from more moderate positions in both parties are chosen, not fated, no matter what we think about moderation in either context. In a narrow sense, I agree with him. (Just as I would if all the discourse were about agency, as it sometimes is, and we need to rebalance in the other direction.) But picking “polarization” as his case in point implies that this is an important issue; otherwise he would have picked some other one. (A good candidate might be militarization of foreign policy.) Moreover, and this is what probably got JQ’s hackles up, words like polarization and moderation are powerfully loaded. Polarization is said to be giving us political dysfunctionality, and any action that contributes to it, like Heather Boushey successfully courting Democratic Party grandees, is at least problematic—and the same goes for Trump cutting rather than raising corporate taxes. Moderation, of course, is deemed to be good in the same way polarization is bad. I would go further and say, as others in the comment thread have, that the meaning of “moderate” in the US context is determined by the overwhelming power of business in politics.

There are also lots of specific examples given by Yglesias that reflect a, well, unreflected centrist framing. Obama, for instance, was in reality the most neoliberal president the US has ever had (every issue was framed in Econ 101 terms), despite his evocative rhetoric. The Sister Soulja thing with Clinton was not about some general shift to the middle but a straight-out appeal to white voters put off by black assertiveness. And so on.

45

Adam Hammond 09.24.23 at 5:58 am

Matt is saying that you didn’t read the article, and your response fits that narrative. You talk about his article convincingly in your post here, but your quoted response reads like you were reacting to the title not the content.

I think he won that round, at least in his own head.

Just to be clear, I agree that the original piece (and its title) are the worst kind of self-satisfied bothsiderism!

46

roger gathmann 09.24.23 at 12:52 pm

Even the name Matt Yglesias makes me tired – which is, I think, his point and purpose in the world. So, putting aside any position MY took, there is a factual curiosity here: Trump promising during his campaign to tax the rich. What? This didn’t happen. I didn’t have to look very hard for what he did promise, which was standard GOP candy. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/09/us/politics/donald-trump-economy-speech.html

Trump promising tax cuts for the wealthy to benefit blue collars by lifting the burden of the government, thus allowing them to hire and innovate like mice on cocaine is something that Reagan did, George H.W. did, Dole did, McCain did, George W did, Romney did – whereas taxing the wealthy is not and was not a Trump promise. This is why the voting demographic who most strongly voted for Trump was among those making more than 250 thou a year, and especially among the 1 percent. Of course, it is hard to put your finger on the voting patterns of the very richest, since they tend not to be broken out as a group – in keeping with the centrist vision that insists that there are no classes in America. Thus, Pew, for instance, has a categoy for “over 100,000” – which vastly confuses the issue. This paper is good: http://www.stat.columbia.edu/~gelman/research/published/ssqfinal.pdf. There was a poll conducted by Forbes of billionaires that received a statistically feeble response: as many billionaires voted for Biden, apparently, as Trump. But in terms of political affiliation, the poll is telling: the GOP is supported by at least 10 percnet more than the Democrats – with “independents” at 24 percent, which probs means libertarians. Summing up: a man whose whole job consists of covering or opining about American politics – MY – can’t even keep a simple constant in his head. This doesn’t surprise me. It is the ardent belief of the media that class is a Marxist construct, and that all Americans are “divided” between the two parties, which represent the entirety of the political univers.e If the Dems promise to raise taxes on the rich, no doubt the GOP promises it to – competition, no?

47

Fake Dave 09.24.23 at 1:08 pm

“He thinks structure has been oversold and that agency has played a very important, perhaps even decisive, part.”

He also.makes the opposite argument — at least that’s how I read his insistence that Clinton would have lost if he’d run in ’88, among other things. A charitable reading (and I think his intention, although the piece is too meandering to be sure) is that he’s going for nuance. That would be in keeping with his tendencies to think the truth is always in the middle. Less charitably, he’s trying to have it both ways. First he strawmans the personal narrative approach to politics and counters with fairly hard (and untestable) structuralist arguments, but he’s not content to be a contrarian in only one direction so of course he pivots to attacking the limits of structuralism next. It’s one of those “not even wrong” things where he makes some decent points, but all the specious arguments (from him and his mostly unspecified targets) sort of cancel each other out and we’re left with mostly just a weird tautology of voters always wanting the moderate so whoever wins must have been better at playing thel moderate.

48

Robert Weston 09.24.23 at 1:43 pm

T Ray V @ 42: Where does Matt Y. get his facts wrong in this case, for instance?

49

LFC 09.24.23 at 2:01 pm

Jed Harris @7 wrote:

I wish I knew of an analysis that explains the effectiveness of culture war themes (psychologically, socially, and epidemically), and traces the way they grew in Republican discourse from the John Birch society to the present. Racism is clearly a big factor but also clearly not the whole story, or even maybe the biggest part of the story.

There is a substantial scholarly literature by now on the rise of the Christian Right as an electoral force in the Republican Party starting in the late 1970s or early 80s. I don’t know which book on this particular topic to suggest, but I have a couple of other suggestions. Andrew Hartman’s A War for the Soul of America, which I’ve read, covers some major issues and episodes in the “culture wars.” Arlie Hochschild’s Strangers in Their Own Land, which I haven’t read, also might be worth a look.

50

Chip Daniels 09.24.23 at 3:32 pm

What reactionary centrists like Yglesias prefer to overlook is that the entire platform of the Republican Party is grounded in ethnic and cultural grievance, not any sort of conventional political issue.
They regard nonwhite people, immigrants, LGBTQ people and women as second class subjects, not full and equal citizens.

This is important because it makes “compromise” impossible. The Republicans object to the very existence of trans people for example. A “middle ground” doesn’t exist, the entire conflict becomes a binary.

51

John Q 09.24.23 at 8:07 pm

Adam H @42 “your quoted response reads like you were reacting to the title not the content”. I’d have some sympathy for this in the context of a newspaper op-ed piece, where (by an absurd tradition dating back to the days of hot metal) the sub-editor chooses a headline to grab attention, often distorting the meaning in the process.

But Matt Y picked his own title and subtitle, and presumably expected people to read the body of the article as an argument supporting the claim. I did, and, while the text was a bit waffly (in the UK/Oz sense of talking to no purpose), it displayed the same both-sidesism as the title.

52

engels 09.24.23 at 9:01 pm

Have no idea which of my comments will be deemed safe to be displayed at this point (or why) but I’ll just point again to Tariq Ali’s book, which makes the point very well that it is possible for liberal parties to become more extreme without moving to the “left”. I had a more sophisticated argument than that but can’t be bothered to keep typing things that are just going to get memory-holed (with anti-fascists like these…)
https://www.versobooks.com/en-gb/products/171-the-extreme-centre

53

engels 09.24.23 at 9:29 pm

Engels, I had you mind when I put in my first comment. Probably best not to comment any further on this thread, unless you have a specific response to Yglesias

54

Jon M 09.25.23 at 12:46 am

Your reference to the middle-of-the-road (in global context) of US “leftist” elected officials raises an important point, that US politics has been dragged rightward for a long time by anti-radicalism, meaning anti-left-radicalism. The first and second Red Scares were important periods for imposing social and political costs for anyone publicly espousing left ideas, but the dynamic they started has only recently begun to shift. The collaboration of other semi-left elements (e.g., the AFL, “centrist” (conservative) Democrats) in “punching left” has institutionalized this pattern so much that Matt Yglesias himself, scion of this tendency, seems terribly unremarkable. Certainly no more remarkable than many of his cable news pundit peers.

More importantly, though, I think it’s important to clarify what the supposed “center” represents–I’m recalling Tariq Ali’s excellent term, “the extreme centre,” for capturing the fact that uni-dimensional accounts of politics (from one extreme to another) are only a semi-clever cover for a political program that is itself not an “in between” space, but very much a set of policies that are constructed and enabled by powerful actors.

55

J-D 09.25.23 at 2:38 am

… uni-dimensional accounts of politics (from one extreme to another) are only a semi-clever cover …

This falsehood is impossible to reconcile with knowledge of the historical origins of the use of ‘left’ and ‘right’ as political descriptions.

56

nastywoman 09.25.23 at 8:03 am

@’the extreme center’

and WE can do that –
WE easily can call anything we want to be –
‘extreme’ –
even something or somebody who or which is as absolutely and totally
NOT ‘extreme’ –
as Angela Merkel -(and her policies)
and so when somebody like this Tariq Ali starts calling somebody like Angela Merkel or the politics of Angela Merkel the ‘extreme center’ he just
MUST HAVE BEEN joking or doing some… ‘trump’?
(the Worlds new Word for: ‘Belgium is a Beautiful City’ –
or ‘The Truth’:
https://youtu.be/BnzXMRkBjMY

57

MisterMr 09.25.23 at 10:28 am

@Reason 40
True, but IMHO this kind of take-no-prisoners attitude is more linked to the emotional, sense of identity fueled kind of politics that comes from “culture war” politics.

@Alex Sl 42
Re: muslim atheist: it is true that a “muslim atheist” is a contradiction in therms, yet I often read that Freud and Marx were jews while they both were clearly atheists.
This is because “jew” and “muslim” do not actually refer to a religious belief, but they imply a “culture”; sililarly “christian” doesn’t really mean “believes in christianity” but “one of us”.
If you think that right wing authoritarianism is strongly linked to being part of a certain group (ethnicity? tradition? culture?), this makes sense, though it doesn’t make logical sense if you take the terms at face value.

58

engels 09.25.23 at 2:02 pm

I’ve never said Ds are same as Rs or that (bourgeois) democracy is a sham (in fact I just spent a whole thread—on Pinochet—explaining why I thought it was valuable) and I take exception to being called “pseudoleft”. But fine I won’t attempt to comment further. I wish you’d bring back Corey Robin though:
https://www.newyorker.com/news/our-columnists/trump-and-the-trapped-country

(I have no response to Yglesias and if I had I’d post it on his substack.)

Ok, maybe I’ve been lumping you in unfairly with Steven T. Johnson. But at least for this post, I’d prefer to stick to Yglesias – JQ

59

someone who remembers yglesias's pro-immigration argument 09.25.23 at 3:59 pm

When you start digging into “the left has gone too far!” posts from the supposed center these days it takes literally seconds to scratching the surface before you hit the bedrock, stone-solid transphobia that underlies all of it. “Okay maybe they should be allowed to exist, but allowed to write a book? Allowed to walk within 500 feet of a school? In MY neighborhood?” – least transphobic “centrist”

60

Alex SL 09.25.23 at 10:36 pm

I don’t know about ‘extreme centre’, but what should be more epistemically humbling than it generally is is the realisation that today’s sensible centre would have been considered extremist loonies a hundred years ago and even more so two hundred years ago, and that the sensible centre of those times would be considered embarrassingly ignorant, classist, eugenicist, racist, and sexist today. Similarly, if there is still enough complex society around in, say, two hundred years for people to have formal education in history, they will likely consider those ‘annoying’ activists who get themselves two years of prison for having chained themselves to the gate of an oil terminal to be the only sane people alive today.

But, of course, it is much more comforting to always assume that where the middle sits today is the best and only sensible position, just like the most comforting religion coincidentally tends to be the one that one’s parents had.

61

Peter T 09.26.23 at 2:58 am

Ken L: “arguments based on the premise that political differences in the US are about policies are based on a fundamental misconception” and Chip Daniels: “the entire platform of the Republican Party is grounded in ethnic and cultural grievance, not any sort of conventional political issue.”

as well as descriptions of political stances as ‘pure tribalism’. It’s important to recognise that the Republican Party does have issues and policies to address them. The issues are the refusal of POC and women to know their place and behave accordingly, and the diminished status of white males. The policies (restriction of personal autonomy, denial of voting and other rights and – if these do not work – more extreme measures ..) flow from this. It’s a repellent ethos, but it’s an ethos.

62

reason 09.26.23 at 9:37 am

Mr. Mister @57
I disagree. Culture war is just the means towards getting voters to support the unsupportable. It is the reason for the drift for fascism. The reason for the drift to fascism is the awareness that their chosen identity is increasingly becoming a minority.

63

SusanC 09.26.23 at 12:06 pm

In the U.K. we have Kier Starmer.

So as a Brit, it’s somewhat surprising that over in the US the. Dems don’t have a similarly unprincipled chaser if the median voter. U K Labour is well aware they can track rightwards really really far and the nature of our electoral system means the leftists will vote for them anyway,

The US seems to be a closer run race than the U.K., with the prospects of a Trump win looking really bad.

So it’s a surprise we don’t have a Dem going, “look we have to do this right wing thing in our manifesto because otherwise Trump will win and the US will collapse into civil war””

64

Alex SL 09.27.23 at 5:08 am

MrMister,

Good point in principle – I am certainly a different kind of atheist with my Christian cultural background than if I had become an atheist in Japan or India. However, I strongly doubt that right wingers who called Obama atheist and Muslim think in terms as complex as that. It seems likely that they divide the world in Us the good conservative Christians and Them the everybody else who must all be in cahoots with each other and have completely interchangeable beliefs and aims, because they are all Evil and Against Us.

It would be fun but also illustrative to try to get these kinds of people to define terms like Muslim, Woke, Liberal*, or Socialist. I’d wager there is a more than even odds chance that “doesn’t believe in / rejects god/Jesus” will be a response for of each of these, with the balance of probability being “wants to destroy our country”.

*) This one is, as always, specific to the USA, as the term is used for conservative or libertarian parties in nearly all other countries, but the other terms would likely result in the same definitions being provided by Trumpians in other English speaking countries.

65

Alan White 09.27.23 at 6:09 am

Trump’s power is rooted in Fox et al empowering a minority’s voice to overwhelm any rational messaging otherwise–as I have said repeatedly, this is Charles Stevenson’s emotivist force of non-rational persuasion. As long as that force is resisted only by things like fact-checking news outlets like CNN.com, emotivist populism will prevail. Opposing forces better get on the emotivist bandwagon, even if they are motivated by reason, as a countermeasure. So promoting FTITAWAC as a first step, where the f is obvious, the first t is a proper name, the first a is a sensitive body part, and the c is a prickly desert plant. This is my response to the insipid but pervasive Let’s go Brandon which has done incalculable political emotive damage on a President who’s done a pretty damn good even if imperfect job of preserving democracy, so far. FTITAWAC–why, it doesn’t even really name anyone as possibly defamed does it? But F him.

66

bad Jim 09.27.23 at 6:28 am

After having elected Barack Obama, and with Kamala Harris as the Vice President, the Democrats can’t really pull another Sister Souljah stunt. Nearly any feint to the right would be politically disadvantageous.

Abortion is now the heaviest hammer in the toolbox. Unions are suddenly cool. Gays are basically mainstream. Trans panic may be riling up the rubes, but it isn’t getting traction with the general public, which continues to find drag amusing, as audiences have for centuries.

What else do the Republicans have? Covidiocy? I have to admit that, after being vaccinated, boosted, and then bivalently boosted again, I now seem to have 5G reception everywhere, but spoons still don’t stick to my nose.

Climate change denial isn’t yet, unfortunately, a losing argument in the U.S., even after this long hot summer, and the converse is likewise not a decisive advantage. People like their enormous vehicles because they drive everywhere and carry enormous amounts of apparatus everywhere they go, and no one wants to think they’re doing something wrong.

The problem, as ever, is that nearly half of all Americans are thrilled by the prospect of a strong leader who is happy to validate their racism. This isn’t the least bit subtle; it can’t be, given its audience. Nixon, Reagan and Trump were perhaps a trifle more overt in their signalling than either Bush, but the message was always unmistakable.

The Democrats are on the other side. They have no choice.

67

MisterMr 09.27.23 at 12:00 pm

@Reason 62

It is true that this thread is about the USA, however there is a drift towards the populist right in many countries.
Here in Italy we have currently a post-fascist in power that controls most of the government, and the second biggest right-wing party is the Lega, which is largely identity based (previously northern italians VS southern italians, today italians VS foreigners).
Even if immigration is increasing in Italy, non-traditional-italians are still very much a minority, so it is not the case that the locals really have a fear of becoming a minority; furthermore Berlusconi, who dominated the italian right up to some years ago, was also a right wing populist, even if it wasn’t clear at the time, and he was the one to pull up the Lega nd the AN (that now become Brothers of Italy) inside his governments.

So I think this is a more general phenomenon, that has economic roots that then are translated into “culture war” politics, even though often it is difficult to understand what the dynamic really is.

IMHO hte right wing populists should be seen as mostly the party of small capital.

68

Reason 09.28.23 at 4:34 pm

MisterMr – I don’t think the roots are economic (there is not much evidence of that) I think wars and the resultant refugee are one cause and the other is the climate emergency and the necessary (but continually delayed( response to it (implying a lot of expectations having become unrealistic) that are causing this.

69

JimV 09.29.23 at 7:02 pm

“Polarization is a choice”, okay, but it can be a damn good one. Being polarized against Trump is the most worthwhile position I’ve personally encountered in my lifetime. There isn’t always a good compromise.

I could only give MY a few paragraphs to explain why polarization is somehow a bad choice for me, before giving up on his post. It wasn’t so much that I disagreed with what he wrote in those paragraphs, as that, right or wrong, it seemed irrelevant to the claim I inferred from the title.

70

M 09.30.23 at 5:18 pm

Not to be that guy, but is “polarization” a sufficiently, well-defined term? Is there a technical, term-of-art definition that’s been agreed upon? Are all the interlocutors in this discussion using the same definition of polarization?

71

TM 10.02.23 at 10:53 am

Regarding the “fear of becoming a minority” (67 et al):

Fear or hatred of diversity is always strongest where there is least diversity.

72

Alex SL 10.03.23 at 11:49 pm

M,

The implicit definition behind this conversation is probably like this:

Scenario A, team orange controls one chamber and the presidency with >50% of the votes in general elections, team purple controls the other chamber. Team purple says, I guess we have to accept that about half the people are for us and half against. Let’s work together to keep the nation functioning while achieving as many of our priorities as realistically possible in exchange for not blocking legislation, just like we expect team orange will behave when the shoe is on the other foot.

Scenario B, team orange controls one chamber and the presidency with >50% of the votes in general elections, team purple controls the other chamber. Team purple says, the half of the population who vote orange aren’t real [insert country here]ians, and no government by team orange is ever legitimate. Let’s block everything they suggest even if it damages our nation’s infrastructure, education system, credit rating, or long-term strategic interests.

I think it is fair enough that scenario B contains a degree of polarisation that doesn’t exist in scenario A.

TM,

Plus, fear of becoming a minority is always so revealing, because if somebody believes that their country in which they are currently the majority is a non-racist meritocracy they would have nothing whatsoever to fear from being in the minority. Could it be that they are admitting to something there?

73

Jason Osgood 10.04.23 at 4:18 am

John Q: “In reality, the far-right radicalisation of the Republican party has involved a series of self-reinforcing interactions between Republican voters and activists and the Republican political-intellectual-media class.”

True. Evidence from Dominion v Fox News documented an example. Fox tried to leave The Big Lie and their audience pulled them back.

(TIL: That group of people demands lies, rejects truths.)

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