PPE for Embodied Creatures on a Finite Planet

by Lisa Herzog on October 18, 2026

Colleagues Cyril Hédoin and Pablo Paniagua are running a symposium on “PPE” (philosophy, politics, and economics) over there. They follow James Buchanan’s classic question, from 1964, of “What should economists do?” Given that Crooked Timber is, arguably, situated at least in part in this field, I thought I’d repost my response to their introductory essay here, with their permission.

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PPE for Embodied Creatures on a Finite Planet 

There is much to applaud in Hedoin and Paniagua’s views on what PPE scholars should do. I appreciate their emphasis on an integrated, methodologically reflexive approach that embraces methodological pluralism and is committed to studying political and economic institutions both empirically and normatively. I agree that the classical political-economy tradition can offer a lot of inspiration, and that the question of “what ethical, political, and economic foundations can sustain a peaceful, free, pluralistic, and prosperous social order?” should be at the core of the PPE endeavour (though I would urge to add “democratic” to this string of adjectives, given how much democracy is currently under pressure…).

And yet, as someone who grew up, intellectually, in this tradition*, I’ve come to see that it has so many blind spots – and that there is a risk of perpetuating those in today’s PPE scholarship. Over the years, I have learned more and more how parochial, Eurocentric, and insufficiently realistic the frameworks and methodologies used in the PPE disciplines can be if they do not overcome these blind spots. Let me list four, without a claim to completeness.

1) Gender and race (and their intersection). The PPE disciplines have, historically, not exactly been trailsblazers of gender equality, and up to today, many PPE scholars are not familiar with the literature on gender and race. My point is not only that PPE schould take seriously topics such as embodiment, vulnerability, unpaid work, oppressive social norms etc. as specific topics of research. It is also that these perspectives matter for understanding the “normal” PPE topics, e.g. the justice of institutions. If certain institutions only work for white male bodies and biographies, or if the fact that all human beings need care from others, at some point in their lives, is ignored, we mischaracterize many PPE research questions and deliver distorted answers. This doesn’t mean that class – as a social category more likely to be found in the PPE literature – should be neglected, on the contrary: these categories of privilege and disadvantage are all intertwined.**

2) The environment. The classics of political economy were written before the impact of human behavior on the environment took the form it has today. A lot of economic thinking, in particular, still includes an implicit assumption that growth can continue forever. Of course, there is a lot of research on climate justice and climate economics these days, and some of it is seeping into PPE territory. But again, my point is: we need to consider the planetary boundaries and the value of non-human life in all PPE research we do. For example, traditional questions of distributive justice look very different if there is no possibility of “growing the pie” because we have weighty normative reasons to enter a steady state or even a path of reducing material consumption.

3) The global dimension. Rich societies currently externalize many injustices or social or environmental harms to poorer countries (think about textile production, for example), and Eurocentric assumptions are, arguably, omnipresent in PPE thinking.*** Global justice is both a value in itself, but also a matter of stability, and is thus highly relevant for many PPE questions. And the dialogue with thinkers from different philosophical traditions can open up new perspectives on many of the core concepts that PPE scholars work with.

4) Transdisciplinarity. To answer their research questions, PPE scholars need to take seriously the fact that not all forms of knowledge come out of the academic ivory tower (which, against, has to do with facts about embodiment, local variety, etc.). There are multiple other forms of experience and inquiry that can stand up to scrutiny and that matter for understanding how institutions function. In political theory, the movements towards an “ethnographic sensibility” and “grounded normative theory” provide arguments and methodologies for integrating qualitative empirical work into normative theorizing, and/or theorize together with oppressed groups, social movements, or social innovators. Such approaches tend to be at home in fields such as sociology, ethnography, or human geography, not the core PPE fields. But that doesn’t mean that they should not be integrated into the PPE landscape as well.

Critics might raise two objections to my call for a widening of PPE along these four dimensions. First, doesn’t it all get incredible messy, normatively speaking? For example, how to deal with different notions of autonomy in different cultural traditions? What to do if too many competing understandings of justice come to bear on a question? And secondly, how on earth should one scholar learn about all these different literatures and methodologies? Isn’t this overburdening researchers in a field that is already quite demaning in wanting to integrate three disciplinary angles?

My response to the first question is that the normative core of PPE inquiries is a form of moral egalitarianism that takes the dignity and autonomy of each individual, no matter where they are positioned in the global web of interdependent economic and social relations, to have equal moral weight. Of course, one can quibble with lots of things here (isn’t the notion of autonomy itself too Eurocentric and individualistic? What about the moral status of animals?, etc.). But our current economic institutions and practices are at such a distance from that moral vision that it can nonetheless provide a solid basis to work with.

My response to the second question is: well, no researcher is an island! We can, and often should, work in teams, bringing together people with different perspectives and skill sets. Hedoin and Paniagua rightly point to the importance of epistemic humility, the ability to recognize the limits of one’s own disciplinary perspective.

When I look at the academic landscape, I see many projects and approaches that move in this space, using innovative methodologies and forms of collaboration, bringing non-Western thinkers into the discussion, exploring “real utopias” (to use Eric Olin Wright’s famous term) of citizen assemblies, worker cooperatives, or other alternative models of organizing. I am very optimistic that overall, things are going in the right directions, with more recognition for inter- and transdisciplinary approaches.

What I am currently less optimistic about is how all this research can be translated into public discourse and policy advice – not because scholars wouldn’t try, but because the political climate is not very open to it, with more and more capture by rich elites, and a (social) media landscape (much of it owned by the billionaire class) that is not very conducive to ideas about fundamental reforms of the economic system. Writing papers about economic democracy, in a time in which economic power is more and more concentrated, feels like writing messages in a bottle for future generations, with the hope that at some point, there will, again, be more openness for such ideas. Let’s hope that the period in between does not get too dark!

*My first book was on Adam Smith and Hegel.

** One of the problems of rightwing populism is precisely that it plays out different forms of oppression against each other, thereby dividing those who might have shared economic interests.

*** See here for a recent paper in which we explore what it means to “decolonize value”.

{ 9 comments }

1

steven johnson 10.18.26 at 5:53 pm

A “peaceful, free, pluralistic and prosperous social order?” Those who still remember Robert Dahl, to name just one, realize that pluralism is variously equated with free or democratic, so I’m not sure that adding the adjective “democratic” is necessary. That’s especially in view of the many who see democracy as, periodic elections.

If one remembers that security of property is freedom and that the existence of classes is pluralism, it may be argued that “democratic” must be added to the list….except the last I looked a careless disregard for property in the means of production or the preservation of classes were somehow involved in an intellectual tradition most decidedly condemned as undemocratic.

Of the suggested reform programs, if you accept that the science of economics starts by rationalizing household economy, then first three are inevitably a part of the E in PPE.
The rational householder takes into the account the diverse members of the household, the disposal of wastes and the effects on neighbors even. And there you have your points 1 through 3.

If this is not what PPE, especially the E, is already doing, perhaps it is because the implications of free and pluralistic are, as suggested, issues of property (which means class.) And the retention of freedom and pluralism constrains E from venturing into fields of no use to the academy as a pillar of the social order. What PPE, especially E, have been doing instead seems to me to be drawing from the “other forms of experience and inquiry” provided by the academy’s creators. The academy is not a biological organism that self-reproduces. Social institutions are self-perpetuating but their recruitment and direction of new personnel is dependent on others. The experiences and inquiry of those others are naturally carried out. I’m not altogether sure that a new style manual for in-house memos will change this.

A note? Autonomy is drawn from market society, an abstraction from the many different agents in economic life confronting each other as equals. Or, at least, it is deemed fair that they be equals. The thing is, there is nothing in the least “Eurocentric” about markets, or market society, neither historically nor today’s world. (Barring truly insane libertarian twaddle about white people creating the modern world aka modernity aka capitalism.)

2

JPL 10.18.26 at 10:18 pm

“What I am currently less optimistic about is how all this research can be translated into public discourse and policy advice – not because scholars wouldn’t try, but because the political climate is not very open to it, with more and more capture by rich elites, and a (social) media landscape (much of it owned by the billionaire class) that is not very conducive to ideas about fundamental reforms of the economic system.”

With regard to this laudable sentiment, together with blind spot number 3 above, I am struck by an impression, in response to the above account, that these PPE fields, as well as other academic fields with theoretical and practical dimensions, are afflicted with a problem of excessive jargonization. It’s one thing to use theoretical jargon (technical terminology) in the academic context of theoretical inquiry, but in the practical fight to ameliorate the economic suffering of actual people and their lack of political power, there is a need to positively influence public opinion and gain public support for necessary corrective changes in the relevant systems. You have to be able to talk to the people in terms they can understand and that excite their intuitive moral understanding to “fight for what is right”. In linguistics it has long been recognized that there is a problem called “nerdview” that arises when practitioners of technical or theoretical fields have to speak to the public. Examples in the above account of nerdy terms that probably won’t work for the public would be: ’embodiment’, ‘vulnerability’ (in the technical sense), “ethnic sensibility”, “grounded normative theory” (and even the term ‘normative’ in reference to the quid juris questions in ethical inquiry), the notion of “externalizing injustices”, etc. An example from recent history would be the public misunderstanding of the term ‘critical race theory’. It’s always possible and desirable to try to express ideas in different ways that preserve their truth value, but offer a different way of understanding a given phenomenon. Even in the theoretical context, reliance on conventionalized jargon can be an impediment to creative thinking.

3

Lisa Herzog 10.19.26 at 8:31 am

Agreed on the jargon point, but this here is a different context and I try to adapt my linguistic register :) There is another problem here, at least in the non-Anglophone world, which is that you need to learn the national language for transdisciplinary work, at least if you don’t work in your home country (and having to learn a new language at the age of 36 had the side effect, in my case, of automatically expressing myself in rather simple terms when talking Dutch…). But I trust that there are enough people in academia who can translate “embodiment” into “we all need to eat, and we need a roof over our head,” etc.. The problem is still how they can reach “the public” in situations in which there are public witch hunts on anything academic…

4

MisterMr 10.19.26 at 1:50 pm

So maybe this isn’t the place to post this but I now see as if it was an OP an article “What Makes Modern Online Casinos So Popular” that seems written by a spambot.

5

Doctor Memory 10.19.26 at 7:29 pm

MisterMr– sadly someone managed to access the account of a former contributor and post several spam articles. We’ve deleted them and locked the account.

6

D. S. Battistoli 10.19.26 at 8:58 pm

What an intriguing proposal!

I think it might be possible to collapse point 1 (taking into consideration gender and race and their intersection) into point 4 (transdisciplinarity) if we ensure that point 4 includes sociology, where the analysis of gender and race in addition to class and other social stratifications, considered singly and in intersection, since sociology has been running these jewels for a few decades now.

So doing might get around an issue with Hédoin and Paniagua’s original piece, which seems to be epiphenomenal of PPE’s overall liberal approach: it treats the social field of action as how “institutions” (29 mentions) interact with “persons,” “people,” and “individuals” (12 mentions collectively). “Communities” show up only once, as something of starkly ambivalent value, and not as anything worth studying (though perhaps I should keep in mind Eric’s recent post in which he talked about the emic hostility to the idea of a “philosophy community”).

Oh, and regarding “public discourse and policy advice,” one of the most widely-read self-identified political economists on Substack is Ken Opalo, though I don’t know if he considers himself part of the PPE set. He has some 36,000 followers, and it is very hard to find an anglophone African government official or employee of the IMF or World Bank with an African specialty and a Substack account who does not voluntarily subscribe to Opalo’s newsletter. Though even Opalo frequently opines that African politics would be more productive were his policy pronouncements to be more eagerly received, so this does not necessarily counter your point, or those of Hédoin and Paniagua, regarding policy adoption.

7

Matt 10.20.26 at 5:10 am

In case it interests anyone, the next session in the discussion on PPE, by my friend and former colleague form grad school, Ryan Muldoon, is up now here: https://cyrilhedoin.substack.com/p/ppe-symposium-guest-post-by-ryan

(Reading all of these so far, I guess one thought of mine is that lots of PPE would would do well to include more legal scholars in it. Lots of PPE work is about institutions that are, at least in part, legal ones, but when I read the work, its often [not always, of course, but often] clear to me that the authors don’t know as much as they should about the legal aspects of the cases, sometimes leading to mistakes, and sometimes simply making it less good than it could be. A more explicit inclusion of legal scholarship might help with that. The program at the University of Arizona explicitly includes “Law” along with the “PPE” bits, to get “PPEL”, though I don’t know how they do that in practice. I thought it was a very good aspect of the PPE program at Penn, when I was a grad student and lecturer there, and taught in the PPE program, that there was a good deal of overlap with the JD/PhD program, and that many law faculty contributed to the PPE program.)

8

JPL 10.20.26 at 10:56 pm

” … but because the political climate is not very open to it, with more and more capture by rich elites, and a (social) media landscape (much of it owned by the billionaire class) that is not very conducive to ideas about fundamental reforms of the economic system.”

This problem deserves a post in its own right. I’m more optimistic about this situation than you admit to being, because I think we can identify effective ways to counter these tendencies. One important piece of the puzzle is wrt the profession and academic field of journalism: Journalism programs should not be focused on trying to help students find jobs in corporate media, but on reflecting on what is the most effective way of fulfilling their proper role, critique of the practice of governing. (I’m talking about that subset of journalists who interact with people in positions of authority in government, iow those problem areas that PPE fields are also concerned with.) (Part of the general task of pragmatics, the critique of purposeful adaptive action, which I notice Hedoin and Paniagua helpfully mention.) Journalists have an important role in determining the terms in which public discourse is conducted, but right now they’re letting us down. First of all, more journalists should have subject matter expertise, especially in the PPE fields, such that they have a deep understanding of how the components and governing principles of the systems fit together. Second, they need to learn how to ask better questions, especially lines of questioning that probe an interviewee’s understanding, instead of just accepting non-answers and moving on. Third, they need to stop relying on their cliche-ridden vocabulary, and on using labels that have had all meaning leached out of them through constant unthinking use. To take just two recently heard examples out of very many, the expressions “rule of law” and “war of choice”: The ideas originally expressed with these phrases are centrally important, but it seems that now they are just water off a duck’s back with the people. (The terms ‘democracy’ and ‘authoritarian’ have the same problem.) There is too much reliance on labels and not enough effort to express principles, especially ethical principles. Only a small number of people read the NYRB, but most people can be made to think in response to a well-formed thought. A lot more could be said about this problem of the quality of public discourse. But what is coming out of the mouths of this administration and its “theoretical” sources is utter rubbish and crackpottery, and should not be even temporarily allowed to carry the day (being repeated by uncritical journalists professing “neutrality”), but should be decisively refuted and comprehensively rejected, in no uncertain terms. The battle for public understanding is important. Right wing populist movements involving anti-intellectualism thrive on a lack of understanding that can be remedied.

9

engels 10.21.26 at 4:40 pm

How about Politics, Economics, Environmental Policy, Ecology and Education?

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