Taking Turkey off the Table

by Henry Farrell on June 23, 2005

This exchange between “Ivo Daalder and Jolyon Howorth”:http://americaabroad.tpmcafe.com/story/2005/6/22/163115/566 is the most interesting thing I’ve seen on the TPM _America Abroad_ blog so far. The various contributors to the blog are perhaps a little too well-used to the “we must get serious about aspect _x_ of our foreign policy” class of op-ed to take easily to the more freewheeling and dialogic medium of blogging; Daalder is much more lively when he’s engaged in a bit of conversational give-and-take. The subject is a serious one; whether the EU is losing its _raison d’etre_. Daalder is worried that it is; Howorth pooh-poohs these fears. I’m worried that Daalder has the better of the argument.

As Daalder says, one of the key roles of the EU has been to help spread democracy through imposing tough political conditions on candidate countries and then providing an external support structure once the countries have joined the club. This is true not only of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, but also, in a previous generation, of Spain, Greece and Portugal, where the democratization process has been so successful that we very easily forget that things might once have gone in a very different direction. It’s ensured that the European Union has been outward-focused and engaged with its near-neighbourhood, helping stabilize democracy in these countries, even when the prospect of EU membership has been a very distant one. Now, it appears as though the prospect of membership is going to be ruled out for the foreseeable future, for those countries which aren’t already inside (and even, conceivably, for Bulgaria and Romania, which seemed to be sure bets a few weeks ago). It appears that my prediction a couple of weeks ago, that Turkey’s membership prospects were brighter than one might think, was wrong. Barroso, who as Commission President is nominally responsible for negotiations, appears to “want to take it off the table”:http://www.iht.com/articles/2005/06/23/news/turkey.php. The Commission’s role in this is supposed to be a non-political one, but Barroso has very clearly opened the way for a reconsideration of the entire negotiation process. A stronger Commission president might have acted differently.

At the moment, it looks though the most likely outcome is an open-ended process of negotiation, with no defined end-result. This may end up being the worst of both worlds. On the one hand, without the likely prospect of membership, an indignant Turkey may end up feeling that it’s been rejected by Europe, and revert to Kurd-bashing and internecine strife between Islamists and authoritarian secularists. This will be especially likely if the EU continues to make heavy, and potentially humiliating demands without offering the quid-pro-quo of eventual membership; demands for democratic reform and minority protection will be spun as foreign imperialism. On the other, the EU is likely to become more inward-focused, and to lay ever more of the blame for economic problems on immigration and competition from abroad. The real risk within the EU has never been the (over-hyped) rise of anti-Semitism; it’s been the equally nasty, and far more widespread backlash against Muslims and people with darker skins. Turkish membership would not only transformed the EU’s external relations, and perhaps allowed it to play a much more substantive and positive role in the Middle East. It would also have transformed the EU’s internal politics, and helped member states to deal better with multicultural societies that are likely to continue to become more diverse whether EU immigration authorities like it or not. Now, unless the political tide reverses direction yet again, both of these things are unlikely to happen. It isn’t a good augury for the future.

{ 39 comments }

1

nikolai 06.23.05 at 2:00 pm

I really don’t see how Turkish membership would transform EU external relations (except in the sense that of making it much more complicated and risky by having neighbours of Iraq, Iran and Syria). Or how it would help member states to deal better with multicultural societies, which has never really been much to do with the EU. I’m not trying to be beligerent here – it’s a short post – I really don’t follow the logic and would be grateful if you could expand on the argument.

Personally I’m glad the Turkey’s propects are looking grim, as their politics is very different to that I’m used to. And I don’t want the sort of people who win election there to have any part in passing the Laws that govern me.

2

P ONeill 06.23.05 at 2:12 pm

I agree with nikolai — I don’t see the link between Turkish admission and adaptation to multicultural society. For thing, there’s the sourcing of immigration from North Africa, from countries that are way more messed up politically than Turkey is. The foreign policy headaches of dealing with somewhere like Algeria are bad whether Turkey is in or out.

And you’re absolutely right about Barroso. A year into the job and he’s already a lame duck. It would be a much more interesting under the UK presidency if Barroso did the decent thing and quit, and Mandy went in as president of the commission. Blair would have to play things differently.

3

otto 06.23.05 at 2:42 pm

The short line on Turkish membership of the EU is “no one wants it”. It’s American pressure above all which has brought membership negotiation to this point. And since referenda are promised in Austria and France, referenda which will never be won by the accession side, the EU and Turkey are just going to have to settle for a non-membership relationship and now is as good a time as any to start.

BTW, you may wish to see that Moravcsik thinks that Turkish accession is ‘dead’.

“Turkish membership is off the agenda, as it probably would have been even without the referendums. Politicians need to concede this, and concede it loud and clear, in order to preserve continued EU enlargement in the Balkans.”

See Prospect discussion (G. Stuart takes the other view on Turkey, together with some wildly unrealistic hopes for greater subsidiarity):
http://www.prospect-magazine.co.uk/article_details.php?id=6939&AuthKey=25778454aa21a79257403a4445313182&issue=507

4

des von bladet 06.23.05 at 4:08 pm

_I_ want Turkey in the EU, modulo the usual requirements. Wogs, after all, used to begin at Calais; if they now begin at the Bosphorus then that too will change.

Lord knows, we didn’t fight off the unholy (sic) alliance of Vatican, Greek Orthodoxes, Polandland and Aznar’s Spain’s collective attempt to Jesus up the late constitution’s preamble only to allow the “Christian” Democrats and other xenophobes. There are Ottoman mosques in Budapest; the Ottomans brought coffee to Europe; surely nobody who thinks Croatia is a goer would want Bosnia and its Muslims out.

The case against is bad nasty racistes, and if bad nasty racistes have exploited the lofty foolishness of the EU elites we’re not quite in the endgame yet. Or at least I (for one) really really hope not.

5

otto 06.23.05 at 5:01 pm

Des,
even on your not-so-generous view of others’ motives, are you really claiming the referenda on Turkey’s accession in France and Austria are winnable, even if “the Ottomans brought coffee to Europe” argument is deployed?

If not, time for settle for a non-membership alternative.

6

Doug 06.23.05 at 5:34 pm

It’s at this stage of the argument that I usually point out that we are talking about at least a decade-long process, even from its presently fairly advanced state. Then I usually also point out that a decade is precisely the length of time from the unconditional surrender of Nazi Germany to admission of the re-armed Federal Republic of Germany to NATO.

The classic American errors are to underestimate European institutions over the long term, and to overestimate the speed with which they can act in the short term. In our discussion here, we should avoid both.

I’ll admit, it’s entirely possible that European leaders could be stupid enough to reject Turkey out of hand. But over the ten-year time frame we are really talking about, I’m confident it will become clear that rejection is a dumb idea.

Let me put it very plainly: Europe needs Turkey.

First, Europe (East and West) is facing daunting demographic changes. None of the major economies are prepared for the transition from a demographic pyramid to a demographic pillar. Increased immigration, partly from Turkey, can play some role in easing these issues.

Second, Turkey is entering a sweet spot in its economics and demographics, as the bulge in its age structure hits the productive part of economic life. This will be good for both domestic growth and foreign trade–most of which will be with EU nations.

Third, Europe needs neither a competing pole nor a gray zone on its borders. Russia will be enough of a nuisance without deliberately causing trouble on the southeastern frontier. A powerful Turkey kept out of the EU will only add to the strategic headaches as a competing pole; and EU leaders incapable of seeing the advantages of Turkish accession will not be fit to deal with the problms of blocking Turkey. A Turkey left in a gray zone certainly means indecision about Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, and probably about Ukraine and Moldova as well. All of these are potential sources of instability on Europe’s doorstep, and unlike the Maghreb, they share land borders, which are infinitely more porous than sea borders.
Fourth, an EU that cannot come to grips with Turkey as a member will have no chance of living up to its own stated ambitions in the international system.

Turkish membership is not happening tomorrow, or even next year. It’s happening in the middle of the next decade, nearly three US presidential terms away. That’s an eternity in politics, and if anyone gets too worked up about the daily ups and downs of this question, just go and look at the controversies over, say, Polish and Baltic membership. That happened too.

7

otto 06.23.05 at 6:31 pm

So you think that you will be able to win those referenda in 10 years?

BTW, even growing strongly Turkey’s economic effect on the EU is chump change, just like Mexico’s on the US.

8

troll 06.23.05 at 7:52 pm

[aeiou] To Europeans, Turkey is the Other. They’re right.

9

des von bladet 06.24.05 at 5:31 am

Otto: My crystal ball is cloudy, but I think there’s everything to play for.

10

Don Quijote 06.24.05 at 7:00 am

Once Turkey is in what’s the excuse for not taking in Syria & Lebanon?

11

Antoni Jaume 06.24.05 at 7:42 am

Why should we not take Syria and Lebanon? If they comply with the rules of behaviour they’re welcome.

DSW

12

otto 06.24.05 at 7:43 am

Disemvowelling! A punishment to warm the heart of any Ottoman e-despot (and coffee drinker).

13

nikolai 06.24.05 at 7:44 am

Doug;

(1) I’m sceptical that demographic changes require mass immigration from Turkey or are as dire as is often predicted. It certainly isn’t an argument that’s publicly put forward for Turkish membership by any of Europe’s leaders. And increased immigration could occur without membership.

(2) I’m not convinced that allowing Turkish accession is the only way to help Turkish domestic growth and trade with the EU. This could be done with a trade agreement and without membership.

(3) I think the suggestion that Europe does not need instability on its doorstep, and this can be countered by expanding its borders to Iraq, Iran and Syria, has some rather obvious problems.

Turkish membership is not happening for some time. But Turkey is still politically very different from other EU nations, and looks to remain so. Letting new counties in the club changes its politics, as they get to set rules that govern existing members.

If you let the UK, you get debates about the Anglo-Saxon model; if you let Poland in, you get attempts to put God in the constitution; and so on. Turkey, if it joins, will make up 20% of the EU and be the largest (and most powerful) nation within it. This is a country whose politicians recently had to be coerced into not making adultery a crime, and there are plenty of similar examples. It’s sensible not to enter a political union with people whose politics you dislike.

14

Clarkent 06.24.05 at 8:36 am

To comments 9 and 10: You can’t let Syria and Lebanon in for the same reason you can’t let Morocco in; it’s explicitly forbidden in the treaties to allow a country into the EU with no land inside the continent of Europe. Turkey has an in, all the former Warsaw Pact nations (including Russia) could conceivably join, and Mediterranean island nations like Cyprus and Malta have joined.

When I read comments arguing for or against EU accession (many here included), they often miss the point. Turkey cannot enter the EU unless it jumps through a lot of hoops, including adopting the political norms of the European Union. So nikolai is correct in saying, “This is a country whose politicians recently had to be coerced into not making adultery a crime, and there are plenty of similar examples. It’s sensible not to enter a political union with people whose politics you dislike,” but it’s completely irrelevant. You also have people like Bush demanding that the EU pushes to allow Turkey in ASAP, but of course, Turkey can’t join the EU before the military disentangles itself completely from the political structure, the Turkish government codifies equal rights for women and minorities, and so on.

Of course, OTOH, it’s really surprising (and disgusting) that the EU Commission is backing off negotiations with Turkey.

15

Henry 06.24.05 at 8:48 am

nikolai, I guess what I was trying to say here is that I’m rather worried at the direction that internal politics in some EU member states is going in, in terms of anti-immigration, anti-Muslim sentiment. There are a set of common norms about democracy within EU member states which have finally gotten articulated formally in the last couple of treaty changes as a sine qua non of membership. I’d like to see something similar happen with regard to respect of religious minorities, and I suspect that the politics of this would be easier if Turkey was at the table. Now the obvious underlying assumption here is that Turkey would in the meantime have gotten its own very messed-up internal politics in this area sorted out – but that seemed to be improving dramatically until the very recent past (in large part precisely as a result of the pressures of trying to become a serious candidate for accession). As for your broader point, the obvious counter-argument is that if Turkey will change the EU, the EU will also change Turkey, and probably the latter effect will be a lot more important than the former. I speak as a citizen of a country where condoms were only available with a doctor’s prescription when I was an undergraduate student in the late 1980’s/early 1990’s. Look to Spain for an even more dramatic example – from Franco to Almovadar in a few short years. Now as you say, Turkey is a lot bigger than either of those two countries – but it would also be coming into an EU with a pretty serious _acquis_ that it would have to learn how to conform to. I think Doug is right on the merits – but I worry that once Turkish membership drops off the table, it will be rather difficult to put it on again. As he says, ten years is a long time – but frankly, I worry that Barroso may have done critical damage here. The Commission, as overseer of the negotiations, should be the defender of the negotiations from political back-and-forths. Barroso very obviously isn’t willing to play this role.

16

otto 06.24.05 at 9:26 am

“it’s explicitly forbidden in the treaties to allow a country into the EU with no land inside the continent of Europe”
If you really believe everything else you say about the benefits of the Turkish accession, you would believe them anyway even if Turkey did not have European Istanbul and suburbs. And you would believe these benefits might well apply to other countries as well. Since these benefits (not treaty clauses) are the clear motivator of many who want Turkey to join the EU, it’s certainly entirely fair to ask why the argument should not apply to other countries ad infinitum, so long as they meet the necessary political/human rights preconditions etc.

“the obvious counter-argument is that if Turkey will change the EU, the EU will also change Turkey”
This is not a counter-argument, this is a change of subject. If you dont want the changes to the EU, then the fact that someone else will be changed does not necessarily make them any more palatable.

The fact that it’s going to take e.g. ten years for Turkey to join also obscures a great deal. Alot of people, probably both broad majorities and intense minorities in EVERY member state, do not want Turkey to join even if it meets all the political criteria. It will still be staggeringly poor, emigration will still be the best economic option for many Turks (even with more or less meaningless transition periods) it will still have a very different political culture and foreign policy ambitions (just as the current member states have kept theirs), it will still want an endless supply of cash handouts, trade with Turkey will still put pressure on low-skilled labour in the existing EU, it will still have the largest vote in EU institutions even with its poverty (probably an impossible situation), etc.

But all this argumentation is to one side. Even if it’s great for both the EU and Turkey, EU civil society is resolutely opposed. It can only be achieved by the political elites (themselves hestitant and divided, but under US pressure) imposing accession on their own societies. They may do this – and indeed if they do many of them will remain bewildered as to why the EU is unpopular…

17

nikolai 06.24.05 at 9:30 am

Clarkent;

I don’t think their are any treaty definitions of “Europe”. I’ve certainly read about the allowing countries outside of Europe to join.

About my point on political compatability. I accept entirely that new entrants have to adopt the political norms of the European Union and enact European Law. But I think my point tries to go beyond this.

I think Turkey could meet all the standards needed to allow EU entry, but that it could still be sensible for existing member to veto them on the basis that they dislike Turkey’s politics (which could be different to that of the rest of the EU, even though all the political norms are met) and don’t wish to give them a say in which laws govern their nation.

18

Doug 06.24.05 at 10:02 am

I think Turkey could meet all the standards needed to allow EU entry, but that it could still be sensible for existing member to veto them on the basis that they dislike Turkey’s politics (which could be different to that of the rest of the EU, even though all the political norms are met) and don’t wish to give them a say in which laws govern their nation.

I wish this came with an example, because otherwise it looks very bad. It looks like you are saying that Turkey could meet all the standards, incorporate the entirety of the acquis into national law, and still be rejected by the EU because, because … well for no reason whatsoever. What am I missing here?

19

Antoni Jaume 06.24.05 at 10:02 am

Otto, whatever you say about Turkey was appliable to Spain and Portugal, more than one politician of the time were against them entering the EEC. But none of the pessimistic expectatives happened.

DSW

20

Doug 06.24.05 at 10:17 am

it’s certainly entirely fair to ask why the argument should not apply to other countries ad infinitum, so long as they meet the necessary political/human rights preconditions etc.

It is indeed fair to ask, and asking recognizes that these are political questions both for potential members and for current members of the EU. This is one of the problems facing EU relations with its southern neighbors. (Inasmuch as it confuses the EU about what its neighborhood policy should be, it’s a problem for the eastern neighbors, too.)

Some distinctions may help.

1. Accession has been at least formally on offer to Turkey for decades. This is not true, as far as I know, for any other potential candidate.

2. Turkey’s political leadership has also consistently pursued the country’s “European vocation”. With the Erdogan government, it’s been shown that the European vocation even crosses the Islamist-secularist divide. As far as I know, this is also unique to Turkey. (Google Turkey+”european vocation” yeilds more than 3500 hits, whereas Morocco+”european vocation” just over 100, as a very rough indicator.)

Both of these factors separate Turkey from other Mediterranean countries.

21

Doug 06.24.05 at 10:20 am

This could be done with a trade agreement and without membership.

Could it be done in a situation where the Turkish government desires membership and does not get it? I think you’re assuming the EU holds all the cards, and I am not sure that is the case.

Also, how much more can be done beyond the existing customs union?

22

Doug 06.24.05 at 10:27 am

I’m sceptical that demographic changes require mass immigration from Turkey or are as dire as is often predicted.

Edward, over at Fistful of Euros, has quite a few posts on the economic impact of demographics. He’s looking for deflation in Italy fairly soon as a reasonably direct consequence.

Mass immigration is not going to happen (see its not happening after the southern enlargement or the eastern), but a certain amount of movement of labor will take place, and in ten years’ time, every little bit is likely to help.

It certainly isn’t an argument that’s publicly put forward for Turkish membership by any of Europe’s leaders.

Of course not. But it’s still true.

And increased immigration could occur without membership.

Not of the legal sort. See the restrictions on freedom of movement that have accompanied the eastern enlargement, just for example.

23

Clarkent 06.24.05 at 11:53 am

If you really believe everything else you say about the benefits of the Turkish accession, you would believe them anyway even if Turkey did not have European Istanbul and suburbs. And you would believe these benefits might well apply to other countries as well.

I don’t think their are any treaty definitions of “Europe”. I’ve certainly read about the allowing countries outside of Europe to join.

Article 49 of the Treaty of Maastricht (referenced here) stipulates that any European country that respects the principles of the European Union may apply to join. Morocco’s application was returned – unopened – on the basis of that word “European.”

I’ll also have to second Doug. If Turkey, a country who applied formally in 1987 and is already operating under the understanding that it will eventually enter into the EU, meets all the human rights and economic standards, on what basis are they rejected? What makes them different from, say, Hungary, in the early 1990s?

24

otto 06.24.05 at 1:56 pm

I said:
“it’s certainly entirely fair to ask why the argument should not apply to other countries ad infinitum, so long as they meet the necessary political/human rights preconditions etc.”

Doug:
You reply with two distinctions which remain formalist: 1. Accession has been on offer to Turkey for ages 2. Turkey has consistently pursued it’s European vocation.
But these are not good responses to my question since if you beleive the benefits (economic, stability, diplomatic) from Turkish accession that everyone projects, those benefits would apply even in the absence of these formal requirements, and will likely apply in many other case ad infinitum. And if you dont think they can apply ad infinitum, give a response on the merits i.e. not one based on some government declaration, treaty article or prior commitment.

“It looks like you are saying that Turkey could meet all the standards, incorporate the entirety of the acquis into national law, and still be rejected by the EU because, because … well for no reason whatsoever. What am I missing here?”
This could apply to anywhere, excluding the value of treaties etc (this is the point above again).

But the second point is you seem to have a very limited idea of a country’s politics, thinking perhaps that admitting a country into the EU even by demanding criteria makes them into an anonymous “humanrightsland”. Admitting the UK into the EC changed the EC alot, not least because of its policy preferences, regardless of Copenhagen criteria. Admitting Turkey to the EU will change it alot too (see list above). The question is: do the current EU member states and their populations want the change?

25

Henry 06.24.05 at 2:05 pm

Otto – the Copenhagen criteria didn’t exist when the UK became a member.

26

otto 06.24.05 at 2:18 pm

If it’s clearer like this…
“Admitting the UK into the EC changed the EC alot, not least because of its policy preferences, and would have done so even if Copenhagen criteria had been applied to the UK application”.

27

abb1 06.24.05 at 3:14 pm

I agree that if Turkey meets all the human rights, socio-economic and other standards whatever they are, then it would be impossible (or very difficult) to reject without looking like a bigot.

28

otto 06.24.05 at 3:31 pm

ABB1 – and that would apply to all the other countries in the world too?

29

abb1 06.24.05 at 4:01 pm

What I mean, I guess, is that if the EU decides to expand and picks a country that is objectively in a worse socio-politico-economic state but is populated by whites/christians – that would be hard for them to justify. It’ll look like garden variety ethnic/religious discrimination. Am I missing something?

30

Clarkent 06.24.05 at 4:16 pm

Otto, what’s your point? The fact of the matter is, the Treaty of Europe plainly states that in order to join the European Union, a country must be European. The EU has already rejected Morocco on the basis of it not being European and I don’t recall massive indignation or accusations of bigotry. Turkey, on the other hand, has already submitted an application, and it already has an accession partnership agreement with the EU. In effect, the EU has already said that if one day Turkey can meet the criteria, it can join. THAT is the difference between Turkey and any other country in the world.

31

otto 06.24.05 at 7:10 pm

Clarkent

I will do my best to explain. I am trying to answer the question: why admit Turkey and not other countries that meet the Copenhagen etc criteria ad infinitum, without that answer being shortcircuited by some government document (which is the equivalent of “I do not have an argument” – nor is the absence of accusations of bigotry for failing to include Morocco (as you mention) a compelling argument in my book).

No one here supports Turkey’s admission primarily (or, better, at all) because of something in the TEU. Rather they think that there will be benefits for EU and/or Turkey. If the TEU mandated that Turkey NOT be included, I assume that Henry and many CTers currently in support of Turkey would want Turkey in anyway, and if necessary to change the treaty. I am asking why this does not apply ad infinitum, or whether other (non-formalist) criteria are also relevant.

Now, some commentators seem to be saying that it’s obvious that Turkey should be in and Morocco out because of some sort of teritorial chauvinism. I feel a little odd making that remark because you probably are more used to seeing keeping Turkey out as a chauvinist line, as no doubt it often is. But if your argument is that Turkey should be in the EU, and other possible candidates should be permanently out, just because the sanctification of a piece of geography, that would seem to me bizarre. And again, I doubt that anyone really believes this – or that many CTers could really justify being in favour of Turkey joining now but opposed if Turkey did not have the West side of the Bosphoros.

So simply put, if you are now in favour of Turkey joining but would be against if Turkey was prohibited by the TEU or if West side of the Bosphoros was not Turkish, then your position is coherent as to the exclusion of further countries (though your reasoning for currently backing Turkey I find hard to fathom). However, if you would STILL be favour of admitting Turkey if the TEU prohibited it and the West side of the Bosphoros was not Turkish, then your grounds for supporting Turkey are much more substantive – but please justify why this argument would not extend to any other neighbouring country, European or not, what meet the necessary criteria and offer similar benefits for both EU and themselves.

32

Doug 06.25.05 at 4:06 am

And if you dont think they can apply ad infinitum, give a response on the merits

In practical terms, there are states that do not want to join the European Union. Europe’s largest state, Russia, is one of them. None of the Russian elite or leadership sees a future for the country within the EU. Russia clearly has a European identity, but not a European vocation; that is, a desire to join the EU.

I see the European Union best served, over the long term, by holding the doors open, and letting other countries decide that they are best off with some other arrangement. There are a great many political ‘Europes’. One of them, and a reasonably effective one at that, includes Vancouver and Vladivostok, not to mention El Paso and Bishkek.

I don’t know the answer to all the questions posed by EU-Maghreb relations (and if I did, I don’t think I would be putting them in a comment to a blog post, with all due respect to H & Co. here). And I agree that the former Ottoman provinces, the former Roman provinces, the early territory of Christendom we now call names like Syria and Lebanon present hard questions over a 20 or 30 year time frame. Over priods shorter than that, though, the Copenhagen Criteria offer ways to measure a society’s progress toward a form that is compatible with the European Union. As neighboring societies change internally and, one hopes, develop economically, they may find they do not need the organization based in Brussels. Alternatively, if in 30 years, Tunisia looks like Belgium with better beaches, there probably won’t be much fuss about admission.

33

Clarkent 06.25.05 at 8:47 am

I’m not in favor of Turkey entering the EU because they have a little land on the European Bosporus, and in fact, I’m not in favor of Turkey entering the EU right now at all. What I am in favor of is holding the door open for a time when Turkey’s political structures and economy are more compatible with the EU’s.

Let me put it another way. Your argument seems to be thus: When asked why Turkey should not be allowed into the EU, you say that its economy isn’t ready, and its politics, society, and foreign policy ambitions aren’t compatible with the EU’s. When offered the counterargument that membership won’t be offered until Turkey is ready (and hence, your objections will not apply), you retort, you could apply those conditions to any country in the world. It seems to me that you offering the exact opposite of my argument; Turkey CAN’T be a part of the EU because well, anyone can be a part of the EU. Well, there is a formal limit that that the EU has agreed upon, and that’s something you can’t just ignore. It’s a principle that has already been put into practice.

You ignore another major difference (although you do acknowledge that it exists, strangely enough) between Morocco and Turkey in that, for better or worse, the EU has already held the carrot of membership out to Turkey, a country in which 90% of its citizens want to accede to the EU. Turkey has made enormous strides in its economic and political structure because of this carrot. This same carrot helped to make sure that Portugal and Spain transitioned smoothly to democracy, not to mention the former Warsaw Pact countries. If the EU slams the door on Turkey, they’re giving up that carrot not only for Turkey, but for other European countries.

34

otto 06.25.05 at 9:24 am

1. I am not interested in arguments based on formal limits/ treaty articles/ previous commitments, becuase I dont think anyone is, or certainly should be, motivated by them. That’s the whole point of my comments. I am not igfnoring them, I am declaring them irrelevant and asking for better arguments, if any exist.

2. Saying that Turkey is not being admitted right NOW is not an objection. It is being admitted via a process – should not that process be available “ad infinitum”? or if not, why not?

3. My point about Turkey’s “society, politics and foreign policy” is not defeated by the response that Turkey will not be admitted until these are compatible with the EU, because, as I pointed out above, the “copenhagen crieria” and other such factors do not in fact address many core political features of a country. Having the UK in the EU changed it alot, to many people’s disadvantage as well as to the benefit of others, and would have done for for reasons completely unaffected by any Copenhagen criteria, (had they existed!).

Doug provides an answer which is essentially “yes”, the process can apply ad infinitum.

He says: “I see the European Union best served, over the long term, by holding the doors open, and letting other countries decide that they are best off with some other arrangement.”

Note that this is absolutely not the current policy, which is terrified of adding anyone to the list after Turkey. If it were the policy, there’d be a dozen new applicants to start that whole process of EU admission in the next couple of years, because governments and or political oppositions would be using it as a way to force change all across the Mediterranean basin. And if you believe that Turkey should be admitted for real, substantive reasons, the same reasons would apply here too. Carrots (in Clarkent’s words) for all, or if not, why not?

35

Clarkent 06.25.05 at 4:28 pm

Well, Otto, just as they are winners and losers in the EU upon a country’s accession, there are trade-offs in not allowing countries into the EU as well.

And while the fact that a country is well on the way to accession shouldn’t be the primary reason for an invitation, you can’t just ignore it either. It makes a big difference whether a country has been reforming itself constantly on the promise of eventual EU membership. If the EU says no to Turkey now, you could be looking not on an EU that borders on Syria, Iraq, and harbors a large population of Kurds, but a destabilized Muslim country (with a grudge about being outcast by their Christian neighbors) that borders on Syria, Iraq, AND the EU. Did I mention they still would have a large population of Kurds (with all the attendant internal and foreign policy consequences)?

36

otto 06.25.05 at 5:45 pm

And if the EU then refuses to open the process with Lebanon and Syria, we will then have those unstable countries on the border of the EU, if we don’t use the accession carrots to begin the long process of these states reforming themselves? Etc Etc Etc

37

Clarkent 06.25.05 at 7:05 pm

Neither Syria nor Lebanon have ever been offered a prayer of a chance at EU membership. The EU and Turkey have ongoing accession negotiations. There’s a big difference.

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c 06.26.05 at 12:08 am

Clarkent,

AFAIK Cyprus is not in Europe nor am i sure of Malta but according to some part of Morocco belong to the European plate. You have also Iran, does some of it most western region belong to Europe?

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nikolai 06.27.05 at 10:33 am

I realise no-one is out there at this point, but Doug earlier asked for an example of an existing member vetoing a new member on the basis of disliking their politics (even though all the admission criteria are met). This has happened. An example is France vetoing the UK. France was right that UK entry would change Europe, and I don’t think they were under any moral obligation to let the UK in if this would happen.

I think there’s a contrast between: (1) those who think the EU has an implicit deal with other countries on the basis that it they meet the rules they can join – and that if would be unfair if this deal was broken – which I think implies that there are no circumstances in which a veto could ever be legitimately deployed, and (2) those who think that the criteria are minimum criteria, and that it’s legitimate to veto countries on the basis of disliking their political cultures.

I think part of the reason I favour (2) is that there are problems with the idea of the EU making a implicit deal with future members. There are lots of people and governments in the EU, and I question the Commission’s ability to speak for everyone in the EU, and when they have spoken, whether this should be binding upon member states and their populaces in the future.

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